Basing on the analysis of the treasures found in the Baltic region, the author of this paper presents the process of decline of the inflow of Arabic dirhem and their replacement by West European coins, mostly German and English at the turn of 10th and 11th century. Silver Arabic coins, so-called dirhems, dominated since about 800 until the second half of 10th century in the hoards found in Eastern Europe (Russia, Scandinavia, on the southern coasts of the Baltic Sea and in the area of Poland). This situation began to change since the sixties of the 10th century when in Germany started to coin fenigs and the inflow of English coins on a smaller scale began. The process of replacement of dirhems by the Western ore was connected with three events: the first was the opening of the mines in Harz by Otton I in 968 and the increasing demand for goods of the Baltic region in Germany (furs, wax, honey); the second with plundering and pillaging raids of the Scandinavians on England and the tributes assembled there; the third with the decline of the inflow of dirhems to Europe, which was connected with exhausting beds of silver in Central Asia and political crisis in Samanid country, which was tormented by the raids of nomads.

Wolin situated on the southern coast of the Baltic Sea at the Oder estuary of the Odra River was one of the biggest emporia of the medieval Europe where the major market trails crossed. One of the most important directions of cultural bonds of its inhabitants were Scandinavian communities. It is indicated by numerous finds, which might be interpreted as connected with Scandinavian cultural environment. Objects ornamented in accordance with Viking’s art canons and styles of Borre, Mammen and Ringerike like: knives’ handles, frames, small figure sculptures, spoons, pins constitute a large group of those finds. The research being carried out allows to present hypothesis that many of them might have been manufactured in Wolin by Scandinavian craftsmen and artists. Their manufacturing was inspired by so-called West Viking art developed on the British Isles, which might be recognized thanks to its stylistic features. Monuments decorated in accordance with the canons of Viking’s art might be found in Wolin in a very short period of time eighties and nineties of the 10th century until the first half of the lllh century. They constitute valuable source of information about the cultural relationships and artistic activities of those times. The images shown in art also constitute source of information about religious beliefs of those times.

The reign of Harald I Gormsson is of key importance for the development of medieval Denmark. This ruler turned Denmark to the most important political factor in Scandinavia at the same time constituting to significant home changes of social, cultural and economic nature. Such condition of Denmark is reflected in the literature on the subject referring to the king of Denmark. The most important are those of skalds. A few of the poets mentions in their pieces Harald I Gormsson indeed. One of the most significant is anonymous niddigt - a lampoon - defaming the ruler to a large extent, pointing out his cowardice, unmanly behaviour and the disobedience of his subjects who rebelled against him. Much of the data suggest that this poem was preserved until today only in one verse and was written in Norway on the request of jarl Lade Häkon by somebody who was directly from his environment. This niddigt quoted by some sagamanders contributed to establishing highly disadvantageous opinion on Harald among skalds. The above mentioned skaldic pieces indicate that this opinion is too categorical. Certain poems, or their fragments, prove that there were skalds who perceived the king of Denmark as many other monarchs and magnates of the Scandinavian world - as an influential, generous, belligerent and courageous. A monarch who appreciated their artistic effort and at the same time someone who is worth commemorating for future generations. The presented fragments of skaldic poetry shed some light on quite complex relationships of Denmark and Norway during the reign of Herald I Gormsson. They clearly show two opposing tendencies: the Danish desire to impose their supremacy over Norway and the Norwegian attempts to defend their independent position. Fierce and uncompromising fight began as a result of such tendencies in which the two parties aimed at taking advantage of each weakness of the opponent and the skald’s poems were ideal means of propaganda.

Present state of research concerning Altai annals enables us to determine only with certain degree of probability the origins of the mention of the prince Zemuzil, made most probably by the abbot of the local monastery Wacław in 1062-1068 period. Nevertheless, the issues of the origin of this Pomeranian prince and the extent of his authority sill remains highly hypothetical. We are much better informed in case of the Assembly in Mersemburg and Miśnia in 1046. The information about Polish-Pomeranian fights and reactivating or continuation of bishopric of Wrocław allows us for a very precise reconstruction of the course of actions. Kazimierz Odnowiciel’s policy of revindication in reference to Pomerania and Czech united his opponents. Threatened by a foreign intervention the ruler decided to seek help from Henryk III, hoping to use his influences at his court. Concluding from the decisions taken at the Assembly, Kazimierz Odnowiciel was not disappointed with his calculations as Brzetysław I had to admit to the fact that part of his duchy was subordinated to the Polish church organisation and Zemuzil with his subordination to the Polish prince involving paying the tribute. These success allowed to isolate the ruler of Mazowsze - Miecław - and defeating him with Pomeranian allies who were disappointed with decisions of the Assembly in Mersemburg and Miśnia in 1047. Regaining Polish lands in Silesia captured by Czech in about 1050 in about 1050 should also be perceived as a result of the events of 1046 and what had its consequences in Kwedlinburg.

The following paper is an attempt to reflect on the stereotype characterising the way of fighting of Poles in potential wars which was popular in Western Europe at the end of 12th and 13th century. The origins of the expression “Polish in their savage rage” might be traced back to Bolesław Wygnaniec or Bolesław Wysoki’s participation in the Italian campaigns of the emperor Frederick I Barbarossa. The Hohenstauf’s environment had no other opportunities to learn about ways of running wars by inhabitants of Poland of that time apart from news from the emperor’s court during Frederick I’s raids to the country of the younger sons of Bolesław Krzywousty. This claim is obviously a research hypothesis as there is no other research material to compare. The following paper is an attempt to admit to the fact of potential participation of Poles in crusade movement.

It is not accidental that a document and office appeared on the Polish lands in 13th century. There is a close relationship between changes in mentality and legal-public culture of the society of that time and both the development of documents and the establishment of the organisational and functional basis of offices issuing it. The Duchy of Opole is regarded as a model one in that respect. From 13th century only the final products of the offices - documents were preserved, but without a doubt, location of the cities and villages, separating properties, estimating earnings, establishing the degree of realisation of different liabilities must have involved forming other types of act documentation. The office of the prince of Opole was not organised until 1246 and was not only a part of court of the ruling prince where literate clerks sporadically wrote documents. It constituted a separate office with not a very high degree of organisation in which given people (notariuses) professionally dealt with the office work. We do not know much about the activities of this office as we lack broader insight to the sources. The growing importance of a document in social-economic life and political reorganisation of the cities resulted in organisation of private and borough offices. The earliest traces of their activities date back to 1250-1264 (Mroczek from Pogorzel’s office) and at about 1273 (office in Bytom). Like in the case of the prince’s office our knowledge about them is limited by modest sources. However, the very fact of their existence and activities undertaken by the office constitutes an important testimony of the document entering legal and public functioning of Upper-Silesian community.

Although the interest in the history of medieval Mazowsze increased, the issue is still neglected. The paper concerns not only political and economic history of Mazowsze but also issues concerning its diplomacy. The author analyses two Siemowit IV’s diplomas for Stanisław Grad from Szreńsk coat of arms: Dołęga, a voivoid of Mazowsze, one of the closest advisors of Siemowit IV and his sons. The first document (7 September 1383) is the kings confirmation of an appointment of Szreńsk to Stanisław Grad in Zawkrze with appointing the market settlement jurisdiction of Chełm. The text of the analysed document was preserved in original in the Library of Academy of Sciences in Wilno. The second of the described documents is the privilege of Siemowit IV for Szreńsk to collect duty in this city and free its inhabitants of that private city from paying duties in prince’s province. The diploma was preserved until our times only in a copy which has the wrong annual date: 1397. Under such date the document was published in diplomatic code of Duchy of Mazowsze. So far the literature on the subject could not account for the contradictions between the date of the issue of the diploma and the context of historical events. The prince could not issue this document in 1397 for Szreńsk (deposited with all the Zawkrze Land as a security to the Teutonic Knights in 1384-1399) as it came into conflict with the interest of the Order. As a result of a detailed historical and dyplomatic analysis the author of this paper (inter alia to the dates and witnesses) suggested 7 September 1384 as a proper date of the issue of the diploma. The date precedes the depositing Zawkrze Land as a security to the Teutonic Knights by Siemowit IV, which took place in November of 1384. The article apart from a detailed diplomatic analysis of the discussed documents in the view of the political relationships (between Mazowsze - the Kingdom of Poland - the Teutonic Knights) also provides interesting facts concerning biography of Stanisław Grad. The important supplement of the article is a critical publication of the discussed documents.

The following paper focuses on the analysis of a few episodes connected with Polish East politics (mostly relationships with Lithuania) after 1343 in which the functioning of the Teutonic problem is also observable. In Polish literature on the subject resignation from the assumption that until the end of his reign Casimir attempted more or less directly to question the Treaty of Kalisz and regain Pomerania enables the interpretation of many well-known facts in the new light. The short-term Polish-Lithuanian affiliation from the mid-fourties was not aimed against The Teutonic Order. In the end of fourties Casimir took complex actions so as to undertake new expansion to Russia and in this context his actions in reference to the Teutonic Order were set. The turning point in the relationships of that time was the year 1355 and the Order’s opposing to the promoted by the Polish king international anti-Lithuanian crusade under Polish auspices. Polish diplomatic actions of those times cannot only be reduced to anti-Teutonic crisis, which cannot be interpreted as an intention of initiation revindication policy. The collapse of “the new Lithuanian policy” wormed the Polish-Teutonic relationships, which revealed itself in the kings visit in Malbork, probably at the end of 1365. In the light of the above comments and findings in the Eastern policy of the last Piast one should rather see very important alternative to policy of revindication, which in the realia of those times had no chances of success than an element of preparation to a general confrontation with the Teutonic Order.

Careers of Andrzej Schony and Jan SchofT were one of the most spectacular thanks to Władysław Opolczyk. Faithful service, including holding many offices for the prince brought them appointments of complex of castles in “Duchy of Wieluń”. Andrzej Schony, a Hungarian, was as following: a burgrave of Żydaczow (1374), a castellan of Halice (1377), a general starost of Russia (1378), a burgrave of Bolesław (1381). From the prince of Opole for his contributions Andrzej Schony received Bobolice’s castle and surrounding villages (1378). Jan Schoff, a Silesian, who was Władysław Opolczyk’s tutor, started his career as an official as a treasurer (1375), and then he was appointed an ochmistrz (1377), prince’s marshal (1385, 1385-1391), a burgrave of Bolesław (1382) and starost of Wieluń (1391). He was appointed a castle Topolin with its appurtenances in Wieluń Land (1378). When the “Duchy of Wieluń” was incorporated by the Kingdom of Poland, both of the officials rejected their senior benefactor and accepted Władysław Jagiełło’s superiority, which gave them (foreign knights) opportunity to retain their properties and at the same time possibility of quick assimilation of the local szlachta, which soon happened. It was only Jan Schoff's family who entered local elites and survived there until the beginning of 17th century. 

The author of the paper presents the problem of KJemens Jastrzębiec from Lubnice’s affinity with archbishop Wojciech Jastrzębiec’s family and agrees with the claim that Klemens was father’s brother and not the brother of Wojciech Jastrzębiec as it was noted on historiography. His career in the royal court was of much help to many members of that family and in particular to Wojciech who became an archbishop of Gniezno.

The aim of this paper is to remind some of the aspects of the political crisis in the Kingdom of Poland in 1399-1402 period. Special, transitory solutions were implemented in Poland of 14th and 15th century in case of king’s absence or unusual political situation. They allowed appointing a governor or governors who substituted the king on the territory which was outside the sphere of competence of a starost and outside one land enclosing in theory, intention or de facto the entire Kingdom (1377/1378, 1381-1382, 1399-1402, 1410/1411, 1440-1447). The governor was above administrative hierarchy and his tile was not established (vicarius in regno, vicarious regni generalis, locumtenens regis, vicesjvicesgerens regis, capitaneus generalis regini etc.). The terminal disease of the queen Jadwiga (granddaughter on the distaff side of Casimir the Great and the heiress of the Kingdom) since the end of June and her death (17.07.1399) challenged the formal title of the king Władysław Jagiełło to the Polish throne. Their marriage was a keystone of mutually desired Polish-Lithuanian union. Due to that reason since the first half of 1399 the new legitimisation was sought in Jagiello’s new relationship with a princess of Casimir the Great’s of blood. The contemporary sources reveal that Jadwiga, on her deathbed, advised Jagiełło to marry counts daughter - Anna von Cilli - as the one who had closest hereditary rights to the Polish throne. After Jadwiga’s death Poles swore fidelity to Jagiełło. According to Długosz, a board of officials discouraged Jagiełło from returning to Lithuania (probably during a meeting in Cistercian monastery in Koprzywnica around 24.07.1399) approving him on the Polish throne (August) on the condition of his marrying Casimir the Great’s granddaughter Anna von Cilli. The legitimisation crisis was formally prevented by their marriage (29.01.1402) with a great help of Jan from Tęczyn - one of the “fathers” of the Polish-Lithuanian union 1385/1386 - a castellan of Cracow 1398- 1405, a court marshal and co-executor of the late queen Jadwiga’s will at the same time being approved as a governor/vice king (30.06.1399-12.02.1402). His status as a governor/Vice-Roy in 1399- 1402 period in Lesser Poland and probably in the Lands of Łęczyca and Sieradz was presented in a detailed way by J. Kurtyka from the analysis of Jan from Tęczyns speeches, basing on sources, administrative titulary and legal position and public role. In 2000 the above findings were questioned by J. Nikodem; his argument as not content-related and not methodological was rejected in the following paper after a detailed analysis. J. Nikodem’s claim that during the legitimisation crisis of 1399 Jagieho’s decision about abandoning the Kingdom of Poland was an effective manoeuvre which was calculated on acquiring hereditary rights to the Polish throne contradicts with sources and political situation in countries inheriting Angevin dynastic traditions after Louis the Great (in Poland and Hungary where since 1395 long-term legitimisation crisis began after the death of queen Mary) and in accordance with the research about home affairs crisis in Poland in 1425-1430 period during which Jagiello’s attempts of obtaining szlachta 's consent to inheritance of the throne were in vain. J. Nikodem’s comments questioning status of a governor of Tęczyński are deniable 1) the function of a governor/Vice-Roy did not involve kings withdrawal, and the monarch (e.g. Władysław Warneńczyk in 1440-1444 period) issued documents of many kinds concerning the territory under the administrative influence of a governor/Vice-Roy; 2) the claim that the fact of appointing the governor should have an impact on recognition of royal power outside the country does not agree with sources; 3) contrary to J. Nikodem’s claim’s the competence schemata of Jan from Tęczyn as a governor/Vice-Roy in 1399 1402 period was proved in sources in detail emphasising numerous analogies between spheres of responsibilities of a castellan Jan from Czyżow and a starost of Cracow as vice king in Lesser Poland and Russia in 1440-1447 period; 4) both during the office of Tęczyński (boarder conflict with Hungary in 1401-1404 period) and Czyżowski independent political and military actions were taken within the country boarders on the territories of their jurisdiction; 5) the increase of political significance of Tęczyński in 1399-1402 period was revealed in his (and not the king’s) mobility and his accepting residential model of governing in Cracow; 6) the demand of iron consistency in holding the title of governor is an absurd of a source and each appearance of the king in the official role (independently from the mentioned title: a starost or a governor) should be verified from the point of view of his content and territorial competence to the case engaging him; 7) dating the governing of Tęczyński to the period of 30.06.1399- 12.02.1402 is content-related and recognised in sources.

The paper presents issues connected with family origins of an equerry castellan Maciej Kleńtop (Kleintopf) from Paniewo. So far in the literature on the subject his origins were associated with Pomianow or Leszczycow clans (clan names are given in their plural forms), one identified daughter (Śmiachna, Niemierza from Przywieczerzyno’s wife) and his alleged son, Maciej from Pniewo. Detailed source quaerenda allowed to add to the children of our castellan certain source sons: Dzierslaw, Jan, Jakub, Bernard and two daughters: Małgorzata and Elżbieta. All the family members were of Godziembow (clan names are given above) origin from the branch to which successors of Wąsosz, Szyszyno, Ostrowąż and very influential family of Licheńscy were also included. Castellan Maciej was also probably a grandfather to a castellan of Halicz Feliks Paniewski whose coat of arms: Godziemba can be seen on a preserved on epitaph.

The abbey of Orłowa, today in the suburbs of Ostrava, founded 12.06.1268, from the very beginning was organisationally connected with its mother abbey in Tyniec. The abbey in Orłow was dependent from it both in personal issues and taking most important decisions like the appointment of the abbot office. Orłowa along with the abbey in Stare Troki in Lithuania with prepositures: in Kościelna Wieś, Uniejowice and Staniątka constituted a group - a federation of abbeys subordinate to the abbey in Tyniec. There was a very dynamic system of exchange of the abbots between the two abbeys only a half of them stayed in mother abbey, the rest was in subordinate abbeys. Appearing in the title Mikołaj Morawicki came from Morawica (near Cracow) being the family nest of Topor. He was a son of Spytek Grzegowic called Stary from Morawica coat of arms: Topor, successor of Lgota, part of Regulice and Chrosna. The first record concerning Mikołaj dates back to 21.03.1468 when he appeared without any office probably as a young abbot. He appeared in a group of witnesses during benediction of new abbot of Orłow Piotr Żarnowiecki (07.02.1479) in Nysa. In the nineties of 15th century Mikołaj Morawski probably held the office of prepositor in Tuchow and then (1503) the office of a prior in Tyniec. Holding the office of prepositor in Tuchow he defrauded quite a fortune and was dismissed from the office. His successor Stanislaw Baranowski brought a suit against him at consistorium of bishops about appropriated possessions and properties. The sentence obliged him to return the mentioned properties. After having reached compromise the abbot of Tyniec appointed him an abbot in Orłowa. Morawicki probably died before 1511 when Andrzej Gniady was appointed an abbot of Orłowa. Showing the behind-the-scenes of Morawicki’s appointment to that abbey shed light on the mechanisms of the inner functioning of the group - federation of abbeys and the personal rotations. Prepositures were certain “safety valve” for those who from various reasons could not fit into the frames of mother abbey and where they could have been sent to sooth the atmosphere. For some it might have meant promotion and a step forward in their “careers” or a well deserved reward for devoted service and by some (especially malcontents) was perceived as penal exile.

There is an opinion functioning in the literature on the subject that Reformation in the Duchy of Cieszyn began at the beginning of the twenties of 16th century, which was soon after Martin Luter’s speech. Referring to this opinion, it had to be emphasised that until 1543, when the last donation to hospitals in the Duchy of Cieszyn was registered, all the donations which referred to Altarists were treated by both parties (donors and beneficiaries) as life-long irrevocable trusts. It has to be mentioned that catholic priests were treated as rightful members of the community of the Duchy of Cieszyn. We cannot trace any signs of hostility typical for the times of Reformation. On the basis of the above information, at least in the light of the discussed in the article donations to hospitals in the Duchy of Cieszyn we claim that opinion about Reformation beginning in the Duchy of Cieszyn thanks to the protector of the princess Anna and Jan from Pernstejn, coregents governing the Duchy after the death of Wacław II might be discarded. It did not happened until Wacław III Adam assumed independent reign.