The king of Norway is one of the most popular figures praised by a Middle-Aged Scandinavian historiography. He was commemorated by not only the contemporary scalds (above all Hallfred Ottarson), but also occupied an important place in royal sagas created starting from the turn of the 12th and 13th century, the four of which were specially devoted to his life and reign. Olaf Tryggvason was remembered above all as a ruler — missionary who devoted his life to propagating Christianity in Norway, in Island and islands of the North Atlantic. The very events made the king of Norway a legend consisting of many threads though often of little credibility or simply fantastic motives. It also concerns the period of Olaf's youth which he, according to an almost unanimous opinion of sag authors, was supposed to spend in Rusia and subsequently, orgainizing plundering excursions in the Baltic Sea. It was in this very period of time that Olaf Tryggvason was to appear in Vindland (the land of Slavs), notably in Jomsborg, where Geira, a daughter of Burysław, reigned. The king of Norway to be was to attract Geira and married her soon. Co-rulling with her in Vindland he turned out to be an outstanding ruler and warrior and was respected among his subjects. However, when Geira died three years later, Olaf Tryggvason, in deep grief, despite the subjects' requests, decided to leave Vindland he was supposed to go back to, as the tradition says, just before his death. The very legend, first extended by Oddr Snorrason and later on running through other narrations (above all Heimskringla, Olafs saga Tryggvasonar en mesta) was the source of interests of the researchers interested in the explanation of the credibility of information on the “slavic episode” in Olaf Tryggvason's life. It is easy to distinguish three tendencies here. The advocates of the first one fully believed in the message from sagas. The representatives of the second totally rejected it, treating it as a pure fiction. My article is an attempt to incribe into and develop the third tendency. The aim of my considerations is not to arbitrarily decide on the credibility or its lack of the messages in question, but wonder why the ones responsible for writing down the tradition functioning so far in the oral form, decided to create the legend in that, not the other way, by means of developing one and avoiding other motives the king of Norway was associated with. The analysis of sagas and other Old-Nordic messages (synoptics, scaldic stanzas) made again from this point of view, shows that the basis of the legend of Olaf Tryggvason's stay in Vindland and Jomsborg constitutes a historical reality. It certainly fulfilled its role to an armed activity of the king of Norway to be on a Slavic coast of the Baltic Sea, including the area at the mouth of the Odra River. Armed attacks could therefore lead to the situation in which Olaf's fame as an outstanding warrior and ruler was alive also in the area at the mouth of the Odra River, which, in turn, could be responsible for a season engagement of local elites (Wichman's case). The fact that sagas developed the tradition of scalds and synopticians was, to a large extent, dictated by the willingness to not as much emphasise the stay of the king of Norway in the country of Slavs as prove his greatness as a ruler and Christian.

The article concerns the transfer of the remains of two princes from the Rurik dynasty, Oleg (d. 977) and Yaropek (d. 980), which was carried out in 1044 by the prince of Kiev, Yaroslav the Wise. Chroniclers' accounts tell us that on this occasion, the bones of both rulers were "baptized," which suggests that both Rurikids died as pagans and were buried initially according to pagan rites. Since we are dealing with an exceptional event in Rus', questions arise about the goals Yaroslav had in mind and the scope of the activities that involved the "baptism" of both princes. There are many indications that Jarosław wanted to enhance the dynasty's prestige and increase the number of its Christian members, the ancestors of the then-reigning prince. A reasonably close analogy to Jarosław's action can be seen in the decision of King Harald Bluetooth of Denmark, who, after building a church in Jelling around 960, ordered the remains of his parents, Gorm the Old and Thyra, who had been buried according to pagan customs, to be moved to the church. It can be assumed that the remains of both were also "baptized" before being placed in the new grave. A similar ritual in Northern Europe is indicated by the discovery of pagan graves in medieval churches. The related phenomenon of reburial of pagan dead must have been quite popular in medieval Scandinavia, as shown by archaeological findings on the one hand, and written records, sagas, and the oldest legal codes on the other. There are also indications that in both Scandinavia and Russia, Christian and pagan burial customs were mixed for a long time after the conversion. This applies to the custom of carrying the deceased through a hole in the wall, for example. This ritual came to Rus from Scandinavia, and, interestingly, it is only associated with the ruling dynasty. It should also be taken into account that the Scandinavians, in various circumstances and multiple places, accepted the so-called prima signatio and thus became catechumens. Although not baptized, they could participate in church ceremonies and co-create a group of believers. The catechumenate was probably very practical in Scandinavia, abandoning old beliefs in favor of the new faith. It allowed one to enjoy the benefits of belonging to the group of Christ's followers, but it did not mean a definitive break with the pagan sphere. This awareness was also characteristic of rulers, for whom the ability to balance between old and new beliefs was essential. We have examples of such behavior in Russia as well. There are many indications that Oleg and Yaropole received prima signatio and were not baptized before their death. However, their status allowed Jarosław to do so when their remains were being transferred. Perhaps Jaropełk needed the status of catechumen when he became an ally of Otto II and, as some believe, married his relative. Just like his brother, Oleg may have received a prima signatio as a child, thanks to his grandmother, Olga. However, this allowed the brothers to inherit power from their pagan father, Świętopełk, in a still pagan country. Jarosław the Wise performed the "baptism" of his uncles' remains by a custom known and practiced in Scandinavia, which allowed the ruler to expand the Christian scope of his dynasty.

The article presents selected aspects of topography and function of the Arab silver, the consequences of the inclusion of Slavic territories to the Arab trade network. Deposits with the Arab silver, both in the middle Dniepr and Wielkopolska, were a consequence of the process of shaping early countries, the elites of which paid their own teams, among others, in ores. The rulers obtained silver by means of trade and robbery, as well as imposing tributes on the neighbouring tribes or taxing trade caravans. An important, or in the case of Ruś, a key role in the very processes was ascribed to Scandinavians. Deposits found in the basin of upper Boh and Dniestr should be explained in a different way. Their topography points to the transit function alongside the routes combining Kaganat Chazarski and Ruś Kijowska with Hungary and, by means of grody czerwieńskie with Cracow and Prague. The main carriers of dirham trade were here the Jewish and Muslim traders.

The article discusses mixing historical and fictional elements in the Saga of the Jomsvikings. The legend of the Jomsvikings has been preserved in various medieval Scandinavian sources. It is likely that from the beginning there were two different versions of the story, from which the authors of both the royal sagas and the preserved versions of the Jómsvíkinga saga drew. Among researchers today, there is a consensus that this story is a literary fiction, but it is based on historical events and the people who participated in them. In this context, the events described in the saga are significant: the founding of Jomsborg, the battle of Hjörungavag, and the battle of Svoldr. If Jomsborg ever existed, it would be difficult to attribute its creation to Harald Bluetooth, who would have had to possess a much greater military and economic potential. The Danish king maintained close relations with the Obodrites, which may have influenced the later tradition that presented him as the founder of Jomsborg. The Saga of the Jomsvikings links the battle at Hjörungavag to Sweyn Forkbeard, who sent the legendary warriors to Norway to exact revenge. Sweyn may have had reasons to attack the Norwegians. The jarl Hakon, who ruled them, was once under his father Harald's rule, and perhaps Sweyn also wanted to bring him under his control. Regardless of the actual reasons for the battle, it took place around 987, by the time Sweyn Forkbeard had taken power in Denmark. Although analyzing the sagas, one might get the impression that after the battle at Hjörungavag, the Jomsvikings ceased to exist as a group; individual authors mention them again when describing the fight at Svoldr. This is primarily due to the person of Jarl Sigvaldi, who was involved in the plot against Olaf Tryggvason. Another example of mixing historical and fictional elements is the designation of Jomsvikings as Slavs, mainly seen in skaldic poems. This could have resulted from associating them with Jomsborg, located in Vindland — the land of the Slavs — and hiring this group by Slavic rulers. It is not impossible that the Jomsvikings also included Slavs. The fact that The Saga of the Jomsvikings mixes historical reality with fiction is also evident in the example of its two main characters: Thorkell the Tall and King Burislav. Thorkell is known from other, much more reliable sources, mainly Anglo-Saxon. He was undoubtedly from the highest Danish elite, and at one point became one of the closest associates of Canute the Great, having previously supported his father Sweyn in the conquest of England. His position and fame made Thorkell an ideal candidate for one of the Jomsvikings. Burysława postrzegano pod wpływem pamięci o różnych historycznych osobach. It is possible that among them, the Obodrite prince Mściwoj should be mentioned, mainly because of his contacts with Harald Sinozęby. One should also consider Mieszko I and Bolesław the Brave. The first one maintained close ties with the Empire, while in the sagas, Bury sław appears as an ally of Emperor Otto fighting against Harald Sinozęby. Chrobry was the most famous of the three, and his name became almost synonymous with Slavic ruler in Scandinavian accounts.

The very article reconstructs the course of the battle for Wielkopolska conducted by Władysław Odonic and his uncle Władysław Laskonogi between 1228 and 1231 in the light of the political situation that appeared in Poland after a tragic death of Leszek Biały, a duke of Krakow in 1227. The results of the latest research on the history of the first half of the 13th century, including, above all, a bit different perspective of the case of crime in Gąsawa (T. Jurek, B. Śliwiński) incline for a reinvestigation of the last stage of the attempts of both Piasts in their battle for the power in the Wielkopolska district. The next war between Odonic and Laskonogi broke as early as at the beginning of 1228. It finished with the failure of the first duke who, under unknown circumstances found himself in his uncle's prison. 1229 turned out to be a turning point in the course of the battles for Wielkopolska. It was when Odonic managed to not only to regain freedom, but also defeat Laskonogi, make him get rid of the duchy and expel from Wielkopolska. The very success would not be possible if there was no beneficial political agreement the very Piast agreed on with Konrad Mazowiecki, which has not been explained enough in the literature of the subject so far. Meanwhile, the existence of such an agreement is proved by many source assumptions. What linked both dukes was a common opponent — Władysław Laskonogi who, on the one hand, was an obstacle for Odonic heading for his homeland and, on the other, made it difficult for Konrad to gain power in Krakow. Their common interest was also interfered with by a political agreement signed up by Leszek Biały and Laskonogi depriving both dukes of the right to legacy against the binding principles of heritage. It seems though that the conclusion of the very agreement would not be possible if Konrad Mazowiecki had a reason to accuse Odonic of a direct contribution to death of Leszek Biały. A military cooperation of both Piasts against Laskonogi dating back to 1229 gave results again in 1231 when most probably, the message of reinforcements for Odonic coming from Mazowsze made his uncle resign from further siege of Gniezno and withdraw from Wielkopolska. Afterwards, in the very same year, he died in Silesia under circumstances that were infamous for him.

As yet it has been claimed in historiography that Władysław Opolczyk assumed power in Ruś Czerwona in 1372. The sources came from a document published by Ludwik Wielki, the king of Hungary and Poland in Bratislava on 10th October 1372, in which the ruler gave the governor's position in Krolestwo Ruskie back to the duke of Opole. It was only J. Krochmal who moved the beginning of his ruling in Ruś to the end of 1371, basing on duke's document released in Przemyśl on 7th December 1371. The very hypothesis was questioned by S.A. Sroka who treated the document, known only in the form of the copy, as the copier's mistake. The other who raised the issue of moving the date of the onset of ruling of Władysław Opolczyk in Ruś was Jerzy Horwat. Publishing a document of Witek from Groszowice, from 19th May 1371, a starost in Opole, he paid attention to the titles of the duke in Opole, where the notion of dominus Russiae appeared. The author added one more source, i.e. an original letter of Władysław Opolczyk published in Lvov on 7th November 1371, where he titled himself dux Oppoliensis, Welunensis et dominus Russiae. Thus these three documents settle the matter, proving that Ruś Czerwona was given to Władysław Opolczyk on 19 th May 1371 whereas formalized as late as in 1372 when the king published the document in question. So far the act of giving Ruś to Władysław Opolczyk has been perceived, above all, as a form of reward after his loss of the position of a palatine in Hungary. The author of the article claims that the reason was an attempt to protect the Russian territories from Latvians. He associates it with the occupation of territories in Włodzimierz by Kiejstut and Lubart soon after the death of Kazimierz Wielki in late autumn in 1370.

The aim of the article is to bring the so far poorly examined history of Elżbieta Pilecka- -Granowska, the third wife of Władysław Jagiełło, closer, both before their marriage and also the explanation of genealogical issues connected with her earlier husbands. Elżbieta Pilecka was a daughter of Otto from Pilica and Jadwiga Melsztyńska — a godmother of the king Władysław Jagiełło. Born after 1370, she had to be endowed with an outstanding beauty, taking into account the interest she aroused. Captured by Wiseł Czambor, a Silesian knight, and then recaptured and married by Jan from Jicin, deriving from a Czech family of Odrowąż, an advocate of Jagiełło, turned out to be the son of Dziersław from Kravař, not Laczek from Kravař, as it was assumed. However, Wiseł did not give in. Knowing that Jan from Jicin acted according to the monarchy's order, he decided to take revenge, entering into an alliance with Teutonic Knights. Besides, he came to Krakow in order to search, as Jan Długosz has it, justice or revenge on Jan from Jicin. The latter, making use of the monarchy's support, and the etiquette of “a traitor” attached to Czambor, killed a competitor, and, blessed by Jagiełło, married Elżbieta. After Jicinski's death, in 1394/1395, Elżbieta married Wincenty from Granow. Additionally, the article explains the origins of Jan from Jicin and Jan from Jicin junior.

Thanks to the usage of court sources the knowledge on the invasions on the Pauline monastery in Częstochowa in 1430 based so far on the tradition of Jan Długosz and mentions in contemporary letters has increased. Apart from Jakub Nadobny from Rogow and Jan Kuropatwa from Łańcuchow, yet another participant of this escapade, namely Rogala Wyszel from Kozolin, a knight from Mazowsze serving the duke Swidrygiełło was presented. The court sources not only confirmed the events presented by Jan Długosz, but, above all, specified its transmission, revealing many details that have not been published so far. It turned out that the invaders were good acquaintances who experienced financial problems and hoped to solve them having robbed defenseless monks. Most probably, the participation in diplomatic missions to Hussites and Zygmunt Korybutowicz brought together the three characters with Fryderyk Ostrogski. On 27 March two of them (Jakub Nadobny and Jan Kuropatwa) were in Krakow and on 16 April, making use of Hussites' war actions and fights for Bytom, together with Rogala from Kozolin and Fryderyk Ostrogski invaded the monastery. The case came into light very fast because it was not possible to put the blame on Hussites. The king, despite a guarantee by 9 Polish men who belonged to the relative-neighbour circle of the accused, ordered to imprison the remaining ones on 26 May 1430. Jan Kuropatwa and Jakub Nadobny before 19 July 1430 were already in the tower of the castle in Krakow. They were probably released before the king left for Lithuania, at the end of August or in September 1430. Receiving forgiveness from Jagiełło, some of them, as, for instance, Jan Kuropatwa, probably before the Łuck Excursion on July 1431 returned to the royal service. Rogala from Kozolin was delivered to Świdrygiełło or dukes from Mazowsze he came under because he possessed goods in their territories and soon was pardoned.

The study of the seven deadly sins is a simplification of a relatively broad field that is not only devoted to late Christian antiquity, but also early and late medieval personalities, thanks to many patristic literary works. The peak achievements in this area can be seen during its incorporation into the philosophical-theological concept of science of Thomas Aquinas. Christianity's requirements for social service and the self-identification of a Christian in his charitable activities bring not only an appeal to create ethical norms that were considered the basis for the effects of social coexistence and economic changes in the medieval world and the long search for arguments for the emerging science of the seven deadly sins, reflection and the interpretation of biblical texts played a considerable role. In these texts, we find the typology of vices and flaws, and conversely, in the verses of the Sermon on the Mount, in the beatitudes, we see examples of the proper behavior of a Christian. Social transformations force changes in the requirements for text development and the typology of the types of written works. Treatises of an educational and mystical nature again accompany theological reflections on sin. Among the authors who deal with this topic, two lay thinkers are primarily mentioned: Tomáš ze Stitného and Petr Chelčický.

The very article presents genealogical completions concerning a family circle of Grzegorz Lubrański, an important political figure of the second half of the 15th century and a crown vicechancellor between 1484—1497. A preliminary research in archive sources and a new interpretation of printed materials allow for improvements and completions to the image outlined in the literature of the subject so far. The researchers skipped the fact that his mother, Anna from Boniewo, belonged to an important clark family from Kujawy: one of his brothers, Mikołaj, was a master of the hunt in Brześć, the other, Stanisław, on the other hand, was first a senescal of Brześć and later on a castellan of Kowal. The family circle of the vice-chancellor should be completed with two so far unknown nieces: a daughter of Lambert Lubrański the name of whom was unknown (a wife of Jan from Pniewo) and Zofia, a daughter of Wacław Lubrański (a wife of Mikołaj from Krzewo, and after his death, Jan from Jurków). Against the alreadyknown information given by a nephew of Grzegorz, Bernard Lubrański (d. 1506/1507), should be regarded a son of Łazarz, not Wacław Lubrański. Wacław had a son called Feliks from Kalny Radecz, a pincerna of Brześć from 1501. To distant relatives of the vice-chancellor belonged Anna Lubrańska, a wife of Chebda Górski, who was a daughter of Jan from Wielki Lubraniec and granddaughter of a judge in Brześć Andrzej Lubrański. Related to Grzegorz Lubrański on the distaff side were also Marcin Borzymowski, a judge in Brześć and a procurator of Cracow and his brother Mikołaj, a ensign of Brześć. Their mother was probably the vice-chancellor's sister the name of whom was unknown.

The buildings referred to as “a castle” or “an abbot” are situated in the north-west part of the monastery hill in Tyniec. Their shape resembles the figure of seven which sticks to the north tower of church with its corner. Both arms of the building in its basement involve arched gates through which the road to the monastery goes under the angle of almost 90 degrees. The current structure of the building dates back to the half of the 15th century. The first source information on the monastery incastellation comes form the half of the 13th century and can be connected to battles for the throne in Krakow at that time and ruling of outstanding abbots Lutfryd and Kosmas, as well as connections to the Gryfit family. However, against the accepted opinions, one should claim that the castle in Tyniec has never been possessed by a monarch and consisted of the same staff, apart from special situations and, especially in the earlier period of time (13th century). It was a part of the monastery and abbot residence from the very beginning. Apart from the residence function, it also played the role of the centre of the board of monastery domain which, aside from a steward, was guarded by a separate clerk known as a starost (at least to the end of the 15th century). Also, he represented the abbot during the session of the court of the higher German law. It is likely that the very court had its headquarters (starting from the second half of the 14th century) in the territory of the castle whereas its sessions took place in a big room mentioned in the sources. Here, also the most outstanding guests coming to the abbot (queen Jadwiga, 1394; Długosz with princes, 1467/1468) were received. A reconstruction of the castle into a Renaissance style was directed by an abbot Hieronim Krzyżanowski certainly at the turn of the 1560s and 1570s. Then the development in a south-western direction (along the western part of the monastery courtyard over the precipice leaning towards the Vistula) was conducted and the room of a starost and the room of court sessions were moved to the new wing. A military nature of the castle, likewise the under-monastery transport on the Vistula and the road, had, above all, a local influence. The defense of confederates from Bar as late as at the end of the 18th century increased an awareness of its strategic and military importance.

Jarosław Nikodem's article offers a reinterpretation of the circumstances and significance of the coronation of Władysław Łokietek as King of Poland in 1320. Drawing on both earlier and recent historiographical findings, the author presents a fresh perspective on the course of events, the political context, and the motivations behind the decision to hold the coronation in Kraków rather than in Gniezno, which had been the traditional site for Polish royal coronations. Particular emphasis is placed on the legal and symbolic dimensions of the coronation, which not only marked the formal culmination of efforts to reunify the Polish lands but also represented a crucial step toward restoring the Polish Kingdom after the period of regional fragmentation. Nikodem also examines the papacy's role in legitimizing Łokietek's rule and the monarch's relationship with ecclesiastical and noble elites. He underscores the importance of the ideological narrative surrounding the coronation, portrayed as a revival of monarchical continuity and historical tradition. The author argues that the coronation served deeply political and propagandistic functions, reinforcing the monarch's internal authority while affirming Poland's position on the international stage. The article contributes meaningfully to the scholarly debate on the beginnings of the restored monarchy in the 14th century, presenting the coronation not as a conclusion but as a key milestone in the long-term process of rebuilding Polish statehood.

The article focuses on the political activity and social standing of Mikołaj of Kórnik, one of the leading figures in the political life of the Kingdom of Poland in the second half of the 14th century. The author examines his career trajectory—from a local official to royal chancellor and Archbishop of Gniezno. The analysis encompasses both formal aspects of his administrative work and the broader political context in which he operated, particularly during the reign of Louis of Hungary and the early years of Władysław Jagiełło's rule. Special attention is given to Mikołaj's strategies to gain and consolidate power, including family connections and noble patronage. The article also explores his role in building the political base of the new dynasty, his influence on the organization of church structures, and the internal and foreign policies of the realm. His property-related initiatives reveal his prudent economic management and efforts to strengthen his family's position. This study offers new insights into the mechanisms of social advancement in late medieval Poland and illustrates how clergy could combine ecclesiastical careers with active participation in state politics. Through an in-depth analysis of historical sources and context, the author presents Mikołaj of Kórnik as a key figure in understanding Polish politics during the dynastic transition.