The article examines the early history of Volhynia, one of the oldest centers of Slavic ethno-political origin. From the 6th century onwards, there were several Slavic political unions in this area, which enjoyed a leading position in the region at various times. The Slavs moved from Volhynia to neighboring areas for internal reasons (population growth, economic development) and external reasons (the Avar invasion). In the second half of the first century, the Lendzians, Buzhans, and many other Slavic tribes lived in harmony with the Dulebs and Volhynia tribes. However, insufficient sources make it impossible to study their history and mutual relations.

An article based on the Bavarian Geographer, a source from the 9th century, summarizes an attempt to locate Slavic tribes. In accordance with J. Herrmann's thesis, it describes the international routes of the tribes and new versions of ethnic classification.

Basing on written and numismatic sources, the author shows that a big amount of silver plundered by the Vikings in the territory of Frankish monarchy remained in the continent or was transferred in the British Isles. The Scandinavians, active in the west, formed a Viking ecumeny in the second half of the 9th century, living by plunder, tributes and trade. The origins of the expansion of the Vikings on the west are presented in the context of a fight for power between various leaders in Scandinavia who won their adherents over, paying them in the form of luxurious goods, mainly silver. A catalyst accelerating this competition constituted masses of Arabic dirhams inflowing the area of the Baltic Sea in the 9th century, which forced the clients to search for the new ores enabling them to maintain or gain power. Defeated leaders looked for happiness in the basin of the North Sea.

Based on the Halych-Volhynia Chronicle, the author reconstructs the general image of the "Polish land" and its inhabitants according to the views of the princes of the Romanovich dynasty, for whom this chronicle was written. In the chronicle's text, the Poles appear in a double light, depending on how the political situation changes. In one sense, they are treated as allies and relatives, and sympathy is shown when the Tatars attack Poland, and their bravery and knowledge of the art of war are admired. In other places in the chronicle, the Poles are portrayed as open or secret enemies of the Romanovs, possessing negative traits. In summary, Russian chroniclers are knowledgeable about the geography, toponymy, anthroponymy, and even the political life of the "Polish land." This is how a general image of Poles as the closest neighbors, both "strangers" and "their own" for Russia, is created.

The article is an analysis of the ecclesiastical and political activities of the Metropolitan of Kiev, Peter (Rateński), who came from Halych-Volhynia. Most attention is devoted to the most controversial moments in his life and pastoral ministry: the circumstances surrounding Peter's appointment as Metropolitan of Halych (initiated by Prince George I Lvovych of Halych), the reasons for his ordination as Metropolitan of Kiev, his conflict with Grand Prince Vladimir Mikhail Yaroslavich, and his rapprochement with Prince Ivan Danilovich (Kalita) of Moscow. Comparing several biographical elements of Metropolitan Peter and the second Halych-Volhynian candidate, Cyril II, the author reveals the political conditions of their alliance with the Prince of Vladimir-Suzdal. While Cyril II, despite his long stay in Zalesie, maintained his jurisdictional contacts with Kiev, Peter destroyed them. In this way, he influenced the future division of the Kiev Church. The author shows the political circumstances of the metropolitan's canonization—Peter was not the first Russian saint, but the first saint of Moscow. Church tradition made him the founder of the Russian metropolis, representing entirely the interests of Moscow. From that moment on, Moscow gained the status of a holy city, the center of Eastern Orthodoxy, and the successor to the Kiev-Russian history. Metropolitan Peter's ecclesiastical and political activities were linked to the difficult political circumstances surrounding the functioning of the Church of Kiev in the second half of the 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century (the collapse of the old Kievan Rus and the emergence of a new Rus, in which centrifugal tendencies led to the emergence of individual states with autonomous religious intentions).

The article describes the history of the bourgeois families in the 14th century in Kraków, who derived from Racibórz and cultivated the tradition of their origin by means of systematically spelling their names in the Racibórz way. The source basis includes the local books of Kraków, conducted systematically since 1300, though having the oldest record dating back to 1289, court books from the second half of the 14th century and documents of different provenance. The oldest representative of the inhabitants from Racibórz in Kraków was Herman from Racibórz, fulfilling the function of the town councilor in Kraków many times at the beginning of the 14th century, an opponent of Władysław Łokietek’s ruling, one of the main initiators of rebellion in 1311. The author analyses the history of Herman’s family, considers the possibility of the identification of the family of Aleksy from Racibórz, a town councilor from the second half of the 14th century. He also presents the role of other families from Racibórz, especially the ones deriving from Fryderyk and Fryczek. The author also took a position on a commonly‑known opinion in the literature that Herman from Racibórz and others, as well as the majority of the bourgeoisie from Kraków in the 14th century were Germans. Not questioning the fact that they were German‑speaking, he underlines the fact that Polish, German and Czech was used both in Racibórz and Kraków.

Jan Długosz, in his Annals, during the first eight months of 1430, the period incredibly important for Poland because of the so called coronation storm at that time, that is the attempt of Witold Kiejstutowicz, a great duke of Lithuania to get the crown, presented the tour of king Władysław Jagiełło over Szeroka Wielkopolska, from April to August, in a very hackneyed way. In the meantime, the data quoted prove that during the monarch’s stay in Łęczyca, there was a convention of the king with the rich and gentry of Szeroka Wielkopolska. Most probably, the events related to the coronation storm happening after the convention in Jedlna (February/March 1430) were summed up. Political consultations in Łęczyca were conducted by the king exclusively in the circle consisting of the archbishop from Gniezno, other bishops from Wielkopolska, a bishop from Chełm, a chancellor (also being a bishop in Włocławek), a vice‑chancellor and high‑ and low‑ranking officials from the territory of Wielkopolska sensu stricte, Kujawy, Łęczyca, Sieradz, Dobrzyń lands, representatives from Mazowsze and few Małopolska confidantes (Jan from Szczekociny, Piotr Szafraniec). Perhaps it resulted in the the lack of the information about the convention in Łęczyca in Jan Długosz, fairly thoroughly describing the political events of 1430 in his chronicle. Thus, a chronicle could have no information about this fact, especially when the sources do not indicate that his political mentor was there: Jan Oleśnicki, a bishop from Kraków. During the tour over Szeroka Wielkopolska, king Władysław also made relatively many new nominations to high land officials of middle Polish hierarchy as a result of death of the previous land possessors. The very nominations introduced relatively young people in majority. As a result, the majority of the nominated remained in the composition of the political elite all over Poland till the beginning of the ruling of Kazimierz Jagiellończyk, Jagiełło’s younger son. They also played an important role during tutelary ruling at the time of minority of Władysław III (1434—1438), his absence in the country (1440—1444) and interregnum after his death. It is not out of the question that the parts of the nominations in question were made just at the convention in Łęczyca, at last after its end.

The very article is devoted to a description of the court of queen Zofia Holszańska, the fourth and the last wife of Władysław Jagiełło. In contrast to the courts of his remaining three wives, it differed in both the personnel and the way of nominating the clerks. Zofia outlived her husband and did not get married again, which gave her respect in the society other queens had not been given so far, and, above all, the power others had not had. During her sons’ ruling, first in the period of their minority, and later, at the time of interregnum, after the death of Władysław, her first son, it was her who shaped politics in the country to a large extent. Different principles of nominating court positions (particular clerks were often rotated depending on functions ascribed, their competences were not precisely specified either) and a political situation also influenced the functioning of the court. The article shows how the court of the queen functioned in a clash of two realities — during the life of her husband Władysław Jagiełło and after his death, when she became the queen and widow.

Melsztyński family played an important role in the history of Poland. The scientific literature devotes much room to the outstanding representatives of this family. A detailed image of the family who faded in the first half of the 16th century, was outlined by Włodzimierz Dworzaczek in his Leliwici Tarnowscy, published in 1971. One should realize that the knowledge included in this book is not exhaustive. Thanks to the studies conducted recently, a load of new information on people from the family circle was gathered, allowing for, among others, moving the dates of the appearance of many figures and completing biographies by the facts unknown so far. At the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries the family in question started to clearly lose its significance. The reason for that was the activity of two lords from Melsztyn at that time, Jan and Wincenty, who lost the whole estate in a mindless way. In addition to that, Wincenty was pronounced an exile for unruliness and debauchery. The last generation of Melsztyński family, represented by Wincenty’s children, Jan and Katarzyna, did not have either the estate or the connections with the family residence, that is the Melsztyn castle. Many factors contributed to the collapse of one of the most magnate’s families in Poland in the Middle‑Ages. The most important included improper upbringing of children, too strict and conservative, which was the source of extreme and unpredictable behaviours of Jan and Wincenty, and, unquestionably, the lack of outstanding personalities in the last generations of this family.

A diplomatic code of the monastery in Tyniec covers a diploma of Władysław, a prince of Oświęcim, dated MCCL pleno. An exhibitor, in presence of his brother, Janusz, a prince of Racibórz, in view of Tyniec profession of his son Włodzimierz, used him to bequeath a few countries in Zator to Tyniec Benedictines. Because Władysław of Opole (1246—1281) was not entitled a prince of Oświęcim, did not have either the brother Janusz or the son Włodzimierz, whereas the receiver of nomination, an abbot Daniel, is not known from the 13th century sources, the researchers regarded the document to be a falsification. They did not pay attention to the record in the obituary notice in Lubiń, which, dated back to 21 May, noted down the death of Włodzimierz, a brother of Tyniec and prince of Oświęcim, and Sczygielski’s complement that Włodzimierz was the son of the prince of Zator. A disputable document is not about Władysław of Opole, but Władysław (Włodek) of Zator. His brother was Janusz of Zator, sometimes confused with Janusz of Racibórz, which was reflected in a diploma coming in fact from the end of the 15th century, most probably from 1477—1494 when Włodek and Janusz co‑ruled the duchy of Zator. At this time Andrzej Ożga and Jan Sułowski ruled the Tyniec abbey, from 9 January 1486 and 7 October 1486 respectively. A few‑month‑gap (from 9 January to 7 October 1486) was probably filled in the ruling by an abbot Daniel, unknown to the sources, whose death was noted down by obituary notices in Lubiń and Tyniec on 6 June.

The main objective of this study is to provide the most detailed analysis possible of the course and mechanisms of intensified political communication that accompanies the process of a new, foreign ruler coming from outside taking power in every country. The analysis was carried out on the specific example of Prince Sigismund (later known as the Old) of the Jagiellonian dynasty, who, at the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries, accepted the proposal of his eldest brother Władysław, King of Bohemia and Hungary, and moved (albeit only temporarily) to the lands under his rule. This example is interesting in that it has considerable comparative potential. Thanks to his brother's favor, the young Jagiellonian received power in two duchies belonging to the Czech Crown. In addition to the Lower Silesian Duchy of Głogów (from 1499), there was the Duchy of Opava (from 1501), located on the border between Moravia and Silesia. In both countries, the newly appointed ruler was met with caution and even arrogance on the part of the local elites and was, willy-nilly, forced to respect the internal, recently modified status quo of power. The estates of Głogów and Opava were gradually transforming into an alienated early modern-type estate society. An analysis of the available sources documenting Prince Sigismund's accession to power in the duchies of Głogów and Opava makes it possible to trace the main axes of social and political communication, and thus to learn about the outlines of political practice and capacity for action.