People have been arguing about the vision of creation and dissolution of social order for ages. On the one hand, we have a policy based on love and brotherhood (Pierre Teilhard de Chardin). On the other hand, there is the concept of social order as result of social conflict. Thus we have a paradigmatic approach to conflict from Ibn Chaldun by Ludwik Gumplowicz to Charles Marx and more contemporary ones: the dialectical approach to Ralf Dahrendorf’s notion of social conflict and a stable model of conflict by Lewis A. Coser. The contemporary renaissance of interest in social conflict is due to the deepening of cultural diversity of the world, which brings the prospect of a ethnic, symbolic or real conflict.

The article is a reflection resulting from the observation of the changes affecting the functioning of the European democracies since the second half of the 20th century. The question of how regional political parties are formed is analysed from the view point of sociology and anthropology of politics and not only taking normative determinants into account. It is rather difficult to decide which of the ways to introduce and adopt regulation on regional political representation is better and allows realizing social needs. The author focuses on such issues as the sense of territorial political representation, the dynamics of regional identitites in conjunction with the scope of political claims, the problem of regional policy, the forms of political representation, and finally, the relations between region and state in the context of role played by the European Union in this field. The author concludes that in Central and Eastern Europe this process occurs differently than in Western Europe.

The aim of the article is to show a genesis, perpetuation and the present state of the ethnic conflict in Silesia. A theoretical concept of L. Coser was applied. The author first outlines the historical origins of the ethnic conflict in Silesia. On the basis of historical studies, the author points out differences between the immigrant and the native population that triggered the conflict during the inter‑war period. The period of real socialism, on the one hand, resulted in mass migrations, but on the other, the authorities’ actions mitigated the conflict itself. During the last twenty years the Silesian Voivodeship has no loger been the goal of massive immigration, so the population is stabilizing. The author’s own research indicate the diffusion of Silesian‑specific values and cultural unification of the population. One could therefore conclude that the conflict is ended.

The topic this article are ethnic conflicts occurring between the Polish majority and the German minority around St. Anna Hill. St. Anna Hill is a village in the nearby of Opole, which is historic capital of Upper Silesia. To analyze the case, author uses Lewis A. Coser’s theory of conflict and Claus Offe’s field of ethnic conflict. He takes into consideration the influence of local authorities and patronage state on the situation. Not only were inhabitant’s relations researched, but also tension during newcomers, who take part in various celebrations in the area (for example religious, patriotic, ethnic festivals). The institutions which regulate hostility between ethnic group were distinguished. Piotr Wróblewski describes types of conflicts, which arese/have been arising around St. Anna Hill, which is considered as Upper Silesia iconic sing.

The following article presents a new look on a specific local conflict that is supposed to exist among inhabitants of the Upper Silesia and the Dąbrowa Basin. The Silesia Metropolis is an association of cities historically and culturally connected with both the Upper Silesia and the Dąbrowskie Basin. The functional cooperation among the cities dates since the late 19th century, yet the city association was raised in 2007 and the name (Silesia Metropolis) was introduced in 2010. With new city-union name followed a promotion campaign. Creating a new vision of the cities and a new identity will not succeed with lack of acceptance from the local population. Since the animosity has a negative impact on social relations between people from neighbouring regions it is an important field of research. Inhabitants of the Upper Silesia and the Dąbrowa Basin seem to be partial and biased in describing their homeland (glorification) and the neighbouring region (disgrace) and it is crucial to emphasize that the process takes place on both sides. The sociological research presented in the article was conducted in 2011 in fourteen cities of the Silesia Metropolis with young respondents (19-31 years old). The main purpose of exploration was to analyse the public opinion about the Silesia Metropolis: name of the association, city-union marketing and the hostility relations of opposite regions, especially whether the animosity still lives in the young population. The research shows that the animosity is nothing more than an interesting stereotype, still culturally valid, yet with no important impact on social relations.

The introduction of a new form of nature conservation in Poland, that is the European Ecological Network “Natura 2000”, became the cause of social conflicts with environmental background. These disputes usually involve several different social groups and their range and intensity vary according to a place. The total extent of “Natura 2000” areas in the Silesia covers about 12% of the region’s area. The implementation of the “Natura 2000” network in Silesia, despite the measures taken to provide information on its rules and functioning, met in most cases the negative attitude of local governments and local communities. The goal of this paper is to point out a relatively new field of social research in Poland, namely relationships between inhabitants of protected areas and their natural environment. Such studies, carried out only by a few research centers in Poland, provide a very interesting research material far beyond the standard results obtained within the framework of environmental awareness studies.

The subject under consideration in this article are the social tensions related to restructuring of old industrial areas of Europe. The analyses presented in this article stem from the results of the studies conducted during three‑years (2008-2011) research project SPHERE (Space, Place and the Historical and contemporary articulations of regional, national and European identities through work and community in economic areas undergoing REstructuring and regeneration). According to the adopted theoretical perspective (Bourdieu, Williams) in the biographical narratives of former residents of settlements in the Dearne Valley workers in England, Nuremberg, in Germany, Zonguldak in Turkey, and Alcoy in Spain and Every and Corbeil‑Essonnes in France, and finally in Będzin and Ruda Śląska in Poland, we were looking for residual, dominant and emergent (Williams) cognitive constructs, conflict and social tension. This article consists of several parts: first we try to locate the regions under research against the background of wider economic changes, then we turn to biographical narratives describing area residents (as the articulation of types of conflict their causes and consequences). The third part contains a summary and conclusions.

Due to the growing demand for electricity and forecasts based on Hubbert’s theory, widely known as the Peak Oil theory, developed countries are facing an investment dilemma. The dynamics of exploitation and depletion of oil and other fossil fuels has led to a situation in which people consciously invest in renewable energy. This “politically correct” issue is the subject arousing public interest and relevant to the future of humanity and our planet. However, at the local level, the planned investments such as building a wind farm create local conflicts that are challenging for investors and local authorities. The first part of the paper outlines controversies over the acquisition of energy in a social perspective. The EU continues to invest in wind power. The scope of these investments in the UK is huge and British publications devoted to conflicts accompanying local investments in wind energy are analysed. The empirical part of the paper concerns analyses of conflicts on the location of two wind farms in the Wielkopolska Region in Poland, arguments used and procedures followed including local referenda.

The paper demonstrates the causes of the so called Cactus/Jasmine Revolution or, in other terms, the Arab Spring, which led to changes in each Magheb country: Tunisia, Algeria and Marocco. This phenomenon is attributed to be originated in the Internet, through the digital and blogosphere generation, especially Facebook and Twitter, a platform of social demands, and national policy changes. Young people through blogs, Twitter and Facebook have worked out their sphere of freedom and opposition in the net. Tunisia, though small, gave a quantitative signal for aiming at changes in many countries, not only in Maghreb.

The sociopathological phenomena in the Romany community are often defined as a part of the traditional Roma culture. There are, however, more patterns of behaviour characteristic of the culture of poverty and socially excluded places (perhaps contaminated by various traditions of the Roma). Our contribution does not give clear answers to these questions because we think that at the moment it is already very difficult to distinguish elements of traditional Romany culture from elements that are part of the culture of poverty. Our contribution is rather a consideration of the topic.