Introduction

The article examines the propagandistic use of Augustus' figure by Emperor Gallienus (253–268) during the Roman Empire’s third-century crisis. It demonstrates how Gallienus, through deliberate iconographic and ideological references, sought to legitimize his rule by invoking the image of the first princeps as the ideal ruler and initiator of the golden age. The analysis focuses on imperial portraiture and coinage, in which Gallienus adopted both the physical and symbolic traits associated with Augustus. Coins emphasized the ideals of peace (pax), victory (victoria), virtue (virtus), and the golden age (aureum saeculum), portraying the emperor as a protector and restorer of the Empire. Special attention is given to propaganda themes highlighting the unity of the Licinian dynasty and the presence of youthful heirs, reinforcing the image of dynastic continuity and divine order. The author argues that Gallienus, unlike most rulers of the crisis period, purposefully and consistently shaped his public image using the myth of Augustus not only to validate his authority but also to announce a new era of stability – the saeculum novum – as a continuation of classical Roman models of power.

The article examines the nature of the popular assembly held in Pyrzyce in 1124, analyzing it as either a remnant of tribal governance or a form of early urban council. Drawing on a spectrum of historiographical interpretations—from K. Zernack's urban assembly theory to H. Łowmiański’s vision of tribal survivals—the author explores the complexities of institutional development in early medieval Pomerania. Based on Herbord’s account of Bishop Otto of Bamberg’s mission, the Pyrzyce assembly stands out due to its wide popular participation, suggesting that its scope extended beyond the urban elite to the surrounding rural community. The structure of decision-making, with a distinction between elders and the people, is analyzed alongside potential ritual and calendrical (lunar cycle) dimensions of the gathering. Archaeological and settlement data portray Pyrzyce not as a mercantile republic but rather as a regional administrative and agrarian center. The author argues against extreme categorizations of the assembly as either tribal or urban and instead frames it within the evolutionary trajectory of socio-political forms. The Pyrzyce assembly thus exemplifies the adaptation of traditional communal mechanisms to the political transformations of the 12th century.

The article presents an analysis of the origins of Żory as a pre-chartered settlement, arguing that its beginnings reach back at least to the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, if not earlier. Drawing on ducal documents—particularly the 1272 charter issued by Duke Władysław of Opole—and entries from the "Liber fundationis episcopatus Vratislaviensis", the author reconstructs the ownership structure and settlement character of Żory before it was granted town rights. Special attention is given to the analysis of cultivated land (about 600 hectares), indicating the village's significant economic potential. The study highlights Żory’s role as a stable and well-established village, likely serving both as a parish center and logistical support for the Cistercian monastery in Rudy. This is confirmed by the fact that its inhabitants were obliged to provide services to the monks even before 1272. The author argues that the donation by Duke Mieszko II the Fat to the Cistercians was foundational, and the property relationship with Żory should be linked to the failed attempt to locate the monastery in nearby Woszczyce. The retrospective research approach shows that Żory’s urban founding was a deliberate utilization of an already existing settlement potential rather than a spontaneous ducal decision.

The article examines the diplomatic efforts undertaken by the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth following the adoption of the Constitution of May 3, 1791, focusing on the notification of its provisions to the Prussian and Austrian courts. The author discusses the political and procedural context of informing European powers about the constitution as a state act, highlighting difficulties stemming from internal instability and the lukewarm, at times hostile, reception in Berlin and Vienna. The article emphasizes the importance of this notification as a legitimizing act of constitutional reform and as a diplomatic tool aimed at securing international recognition for the new political order. The analysis draws on archival documents, diplomatic correspondence, and eyewitness accounts. The role of envoy Franciszek Bukaty in Berlin is particularly noted, as well as the challenges in securing an audience in Vienna. The author concludes that the absence of clear acceptance from Prussia and Austria weakened the Commonwealth's international position and contributed to mounting opposition against the Constitution, culminating in the Targowica Confederation and the Second Partition of Poland.

The article presents a study of three merchants from Moravia and Silesia—Karl Anton Czeike, Ignaz Franz Pagatsch, and Karl Pamesberger—who were ennobled during the reign of Maria Theresa. Based on their ennoblement records, the author analyzes the mentality of proto-capitalist entrepreneurs, reconstructing the value system they used to justify their petitions for noble status. The analysis reveals that loyalty to the Habsburg dynasty and the state, often demonstrated by financial support for military efforts, was emphasized as the highest virtue. Another recurring theme was the myth of noble ancestry and family merit, though frequently grounded in unverifiable genealogical claims. Only subsequently did economic arguments emerge, such as the development of manufacturing, organization of production, and international trade. The article also explores tensions between entrepreneurs’ self-perception and their public image—both from state authorities and the urban bourgeoisie, which often viewed economic activity as driven purely by self-interest. The study shows that these businessmen formed a distinct social group whose identity evolved under the conditions of an absolutist, mercantilist state, and whose path to social recognition involved adopting elite and noble value models.

The article presents research on the natural population change in selected towns of southern Moravia from the end of the Thirty Years’ War to the mid-19th century. The analysis is based on data from Roman Catholic parish registers (births, marriages, deaths) covering Brno, Ivančice, Telč, Slavonice, Uherský Brod, and Jaroměřice nad Rokytnou. The author highlights the impact of war, epidemics, famine, and Napoleonic conflicts on regional demographic dynamics. Special attention is given to demographic crises, especially in 1643–1645, 1680, 1771–1772, and 1806, when mortality significantly exceeded birth rates, leading to depopulation. The article reveals regional variation in natural growth and the influence of urbanization, sanitation, and military events on population trends. The study also traces the evolution of record-keeping quality and changes in public mentality during demographic catastrophes. Despite numerous crises, a trend of population growth emerged from the late 17th century onward, albeit slowly and heavily influenced by external conditions. The article contributes to the interdisciplinary field combining historical demography, sociology, daily life history, and social anthropology, emphasizing the value of microanalysis in understanding long-term demographic processes in Central Europe.

The article focuses on the work of František Řehoř, a prominent Czech ethnographer and writer who conducted extensive research on the culture and society of Eastern Galicia in the second half of the 19th century. It outlines Řehoř’s biography, his relocation to Galicia, and his contributions to both ethnographic research and literary activities. Special attention is given to his documentation of Ukrainian ethnic groups—Ruthenians, Hutsuls, Boykos, and Lemkos—and his role in popularizing their culture through numerous articles and contributions to the "Ottův Slovník naučný". Řehoř not only described customs, clothing, rituals, and mentalities but also collaborated with Czech cultural circles, notably the Náprstek family, for whom he collected museum artifacts. His innovative use of photography to document daily life is also highlighted. The article emphasizes Řehoř’s significance for Czech and Slavic ethnology and his impact on fostering Czech-Ukrainian cultural understanding. Despite his untimely death, Řehoř’s legacy endures as a testament to his passion and dedication to the study of folk culture in Central and Eastern Europe.

The article examines the activities of Belarusian and Russian anti-Bolshevik groups in Central Lithuania during 1921–1922, based on previously unpublished police records from Lithuanian archives. Particular attention is given to the structure and operations of former soldiers from the armies of Generals Stanisław and Józef Bałachowicz, as well as Russian monarchists and supporters of Boris Savinkov. The article highlights the ideological diversity of these groups—from advocates of Belarusian independence to Russian monarchists—and their efforts to renew anti-Soviet activities, often under the patronage of Polish intelligence services. It also discusses the political and diplomatic tensions arising from the presence of these groups in Central Lithuania and the Polish authorities' attempts to balance support for anti-Soviet resistance with commitments stemming from the Treaty of Riga. The study reveals the varied motivations of resistance members, from ideological to opportunistic, and their connections with the Belarusian movement and foreign émigré circles. The article sheds light on the complex dynamics of Polish policy toward anti-Soviet groups and their role in the regional political landscape in the early post-war period.

The article discusses the social and political activities of liberally oriented Czech women in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The author analyzes the work of organizations such as the Women's National Council and the Zemská organizace pokrokových žen moravských, highlighting their efforts to achieve the practical implementation of constitutional rights for women. Although women were granted voting rights in 1920, actual equality faced societal and institutional resistance. Women advocated for reforms in education, childcare, employment equality, and fought against prejudice toward married women workers during the economic crisis. Women's organizations also played a significant role internationally, participating in peace and disarmament movements. Despite numerous challenges, women's activism contributed to a lasting shift in women's social position in Czechoslovakia. The author emphasizes that examining the history of women's movements offers a fuller understanding of the social and political transformations of the early 20th century, particularly in relation to the slow realization of democratic principles enshrined in the constitution.

The article examines the position and role of the Democratic Party (Demokratická strana) in the political structure of Slovakia between 1945 and 1948. The author traces the origins of the party, rooted in the civic resistance movement, and its development within the limited democracy shaped by the National Front. The Democratic Party had to represent a broad spectrum of political currents outside the left, dominated by the Communist Party of Slovakia. The article discusses the party’s core principles, including the defense of private property and the democratic system, and highlights its political activities, notably its success in the 1946 parliamentary elections. It also details the growing political tensions, communist pressure, accusations of counter-revolutionary activities, and the gradual marginalization of the party. Despite efforts to defend democracy, the Democratic Party was unable to prevent the communist takeover in February 1948 and was ultimately dissolved. The study illustrates the challenges faced by centrist parties in an environment of increasing one-party rule and the collapse of political pluralism in post-war Czechoslovakia.

The article presents research findings on the historical awareness of Czech youth concerning prominent figures from neighboring nations. The author analyzes the level of knowledge about political, scientific, cultural, and artistic personalities from Poland, Slovakia, Germany, Austria, and Hungary among primary and secondary school students. The study shows that young people primarily acquire information through mass media, such as television and radio, while the school's role is steadily declining. Particular attention is paid to the significant decrease in the knowledge of Polish figures and historical events compared to earlier studies from 1996. The analysis reveals a general trend of reduced awareness of neighboring countries and a diminished interest in traditional sources of historical knowledge, such as literature and textbooks. The findings highlight the influence of the current socio-political environment on youth opinions and stress the need for educational reforms to counter superficiality and stereotypes in historical knowledge, especially in the context of European integration.