This volume of „Chowanna”, presented as the first of the two announced here, contains a wide range of topics related to work and unemployment, as well as relationships in close partnerships—thus covering two areas of life that are vitally important to each of us. The ability to function well in both professional and family life is, after all, perceived by everyone as a fundamental condition for basic human happiness. The second volume will shed light on the complexity of our relationships with the surrounding world and will also explore the painful realm of suffering, self-destruction, and violence—issues that, unfortunately, we are encountering more and more frequently in everyday life. The reflections contained in both volumes illustrate how much needs to change in the current social reality—something that should pose a challenge not only to representatives of the disciplines that study it, but also to people of goodwill who have not lost hope and are striving to improve everything that lies within their sphere of influence.

The author of the article draws attention to three developmental trends leading in three directions within the field of career counseling. Firstly, in career planning within the everyday practice of counselors, there is an increasing emphasis on situational factors related to the economic and socio-cultural context. This trend applies equally to issues concerning career development and planning (i.e., preventive programs), as well as to issues concerning the adjustment of already implemented career paths (i.e., intervention programs, primarily for adults). This developmental trend signifies a departure in modern career counseling from theories focused on individual (personality-based) factors toward theories centered on contextual factors—those explaining changes in the nature of work, the labor market, and the broader economic and political environment. Whereas individual-personality theories concentrated on internal factors that explained changes in the self in relation to work and other life roles, contextual theories focus on external situations that, while outside the individual, continuously shape their personality. Secondly, the contemporary emphasis on the contextual factors of career and the strong orientation of modern counseling programs toward differences in the developmental ecologies of various client groups result in success predictors becoming less standardized, more diverse, and increasingly difficult to estimate in terms of effect size (success criteria). Individual variables—such as interests or personality traits (like aptitude or general intelligence)—could previously be measured and their influence on the overall career outcome of an individual estimated. The process of diagnosis, prognosis, and implementing the career path was intensive. Today, intervention and prevention programs in career counseling are becoming more extensive and are less frequently based on intensive diagnosis. The growing necessity to focus on contextual determinants of careers leads to less predictable outcomes, shallower diagnoses, less centralized theoretical foundations, and more reliance on counselors' personal theories. This situation gives rise to numerous paradoxes. On one hand, the more willing and able we are to incorporate a broader empirical data base into the counseling process, include a wider group of so-called non-traditional clients, and utilize a more diversified theoretical base for predicting the outcomes of actions, the less we are able to apply generalizable career counseling theories. The wider the range of clients we are able to serve, the less clearly we can define the success criteria achieved. The less precisely we are able to determine the main effect of career counseling in both preventive and intervention models. Thirdly, regardless of theoretical preferences and the low effectiveness as measured by the main effect size, the foreseeable future of career counseling belongs to models and programs that focus not on individual variables, but on contextual ones. This results from the need to provide career counseling to an increasingly broad and diverse group of individuals from a wide range of developmental backgrounds, as well as from the need to support people in adapting to less standardized life conditions.

The article discusses the transformation of professional practices among specialists working with individuals at risk of social and professional exclusion, resulting from the implementation of European Union social programs and funds in Poland. The introduction of EU-supported projects—such as the European Social Fund and the Phare Program—necessitated the adaptation of advisory and support models used in other EU countries to the Polish context. This led to the emergence of an interdisciplinary approach that combines psychological, legal, economic, and coaching competences. The focus of the article is on the evolving role of psychologists functioning as vocational advisors, whose work involves not only psychological support but also individualized and modular assistance tailored to the specific needs of beneficiaries. The paper outlines the structure of psychological assistance (including individual therapy, systemic family therapy, group therapy, and sociotherapy), vocational counseling (individual sessions and group workshops), as well as social activation and integration initiatives (support groups, personal development groups, artistic clubs, and childcare animation). These forms of aid aim to strengthen beneficiaries' psychological functioning, increase their autonomy, and foster both social and professional reintegration. The article highlights the comprehensive, field-based, and personalized nature of this assistance, underlining the need for flexible competences and a holistic view of the individual in crisis.

The article addresses the issue of unemployment and the means of supporting unemployed individuals, focusing on assistance programs in the context of 21st-century Polish reality, where unemployment has taken on a permanent character and stabilized at a relatively high level. In this context, the development and implementation of psychological support tools aimed at strengthening the psychophysical condition of individuals on the job market has become increasingly important. The experiences of highly developed countries and Poland’s EU neighbors have demonstrated that the use of comprehensive, modern support and activation programs enhances the effectiveness of assistance provided to individuals at risk of unemployment and social exclusion. The selection of effective support tools is based not only on knowledge of how unemployed individuals experience and respond to their situation but also on a skilled interpretation of labor market analyses, particularly employment rates and unemployment statistics. The assistance provided by a psychologist—who possesses extensive knowledge of the evolving socio-economic landscape—is more effective when used to monitor key trends in the structure of unemployment, identify and define major risk groups, select appropriate counseling tools, develop coherent action programs, measure their effectiveness, and, above all, tailor support methods to the diverse characteristics of target groups. Unemployment structure analysis is conducted based on criteria such as: duration of unemployment, gender, age, education level, entitlement to benefits, work experience, and region. Assistance programs, in turn, are not viewed as a panacea for employment difficulties. In many cases, their primary focus is on engaging participants in social activities and preparing them for change. They require thorough preparation and professional execution. These programs do not guarantee direct, measurable benefits for participants but rather aim to create supportive conditions that help address problems, both immediately and in the long term. During participation in such projects, individuals receive reimbursement for travel expenses, a free meal, and childcare services. The approach and types of tools used are designed to foster a sense of safety and professional support, while avoiding the illusion of inevitable success. EU-funded projects and monitored layoff programs have yet to be standardized. They remain specific to the consulting firms and enterprises that co-implement them. However, one of their greatest strengths—and a common feature of upcoming projects—is the implementation of solutions tailored to the unique characteristics of Polish society and its current reality.

This article presents the results of a study aimed at identifying the relationships between the type of attribution made by unemployed graduates and the types of coping behaviors they undertake. The study also examined the correlation between an internal locus of control and proactive coping activity. When perceiving their environment, individuals do not merely receive information passively but strive to understand the causes of occurring phenomena. This process intensifies depending on the value a person attributes to a given event. Undoubtedly, the experience of unemployment, which is often perceived as a difficult and even unjust situation, prompts individuals to analyze their own circumstances. The conclusions they reach help them to understand their situation and are also related to their subsequent behavior. To explain this issue, we can refer to attribution theory, which concerns the reasoning behind the causes of events as well as one's own and others’ behaviors. Attribution theories help individuals determine the causes of a given state of affairs and thus restore their understanding of the world around them. Creating attributions regarding the causes of a current situation helps a person to comprehend it, which in turn supports the undertaking of effective and meaningful actions.

The article discusses the relationship between future time perspective and the ability to set and implement life plans, with particular emphasis on the situation of unemployed individuals. Conscious human activity is closely linked to the formation of intentions and goals, and its realization is possible through planning, which integrates temporal dimensions—past, present, and future. The ability to plan effectively contributes to a sense of agency, competence, and personal development. However, losing a job often disrupts this process, leading to negative psychological consequences, including lowered self-esteem, frustration, and in extreme cases, learned helplessness. The longer the period of unemployment, the more likely individuals are to abandon their life plans and stop projecting into the future. The article highlights that life plans are significantly dependent on the employment situation: not only is work often a central life goal, but it is also a key condition for achieving other personal goals. Additionally, the paper analyzes attribution processes among the unemployed, indicating that individuals often attribute the causes of their situation to external factors. This external locus of control deepens with prolonged unemployment, reducing motivation and job-seeking activity. The study underscores the importance of psychological support and activation strategies to help the unemployed rebuild a future-oriented perspective and regain control over their lives.

The article deals with unemployment as a critically important field of study, because joblessness affects a large segment of society. It entails serious costs both at the individual level (psychological costs) and at the societal level. When people lose their jobs, they lose their means of earning a livelihood; unemployment is therefore, by its very nature, a source of multidimensional deprivation. Those who are out of work often perceive it as a threat or a deterioration in their life circumstances. In this article, deterioration is defined as any perceived change for the worse, with three key dimensions: material, social, and psychological. The economic situation of an unemployed person deteriorates first and fastest, manifesting as a decline in their standard of living. The initial critical event that sets this downward process in motion is the loss of employment itself (dismissal). Hence, job loss is viewed as the starting point of economic decline. Whether an unemployed individual interprets that loss as a threat or, conversely, as an opportunity for improvement and personal growth depends on a constellation of other factors—both personal and situational. A natural reaction among the unemployed, it seems, is to assess the degree of this “private” deterioration. The central assumption of the article is that how intensely an unemployed person perceives the worsening of their life situation affects their sense of helplessness and correlates with what the author calls the “helplessness threshold.” The key task, therefore, is to explain what these helplessness thresholds represent in the functioning of unemployed individuals—and to determine whether, and how, they can be measured.

The article explores the complex psychosocial consequences of surviving cancer, focusing particularly on the challenges former oncology patients face in the workplace and insurance sector. Although medical recovery is increasingly achievable due to advances in oncology, social adaptation—professional, psychological, and interpersonal—often remains a significant struggle. The author analyzes the stigmatization and discrimination that cancer survivors experience in professional environments, which may take both overt and subtle forms, such as job rejections, demotions, exclusion, or ostracism by coworkers. The article emphasizes the influence of persistent social myths about cancer (e.g., that it is incurable or contagious) on how former patients are treated. Additionally, it discusses systemic barriers imposed by insurance companies, which continue to perceive cancer survivors as high-risk clients despite medical evidence of full recovery. The author points to the need for empirical studies in psycho-oncology and calls for targeted psychological interventions and educational efforts to support reintegration and counteract discrimination.

The article presents the results and methodology of a study that focused on mutual knowledge between individuals with anxiety disorders—that is, knowledge about themselves and their partners (spouses). More specifically, the study aimed to examine the extent to which individuals’ perceptions of themselves and their partners produce a consistent image of each person in the dyad—that is, how closely what each partner says about themselves aligns with how they are perceived by their spouse. It was assumed that neurotic personality defense mechanisms would distort accurate self-perception and hinder the correct perception of the partner’s traits. These mechanisms were also expected to significantly influence self-presentation, making authentic mutual understanding more difficult. Furthermore, it was assumed that an inconsistent image of oneself and the partner would impair mutual relationships, potentially leading to the gradual emotional distancing of the partners and a significant decline in marital quality. This, in turn, would further restrict the possibility of accurate perception and understanding between the partners. The areas of mutual knowledge considered particularly important for marital functioning were: the emotional-affective sphere, the task-oriented sphere, the erotic-sexual sphere, and the sphere of values. Regarding these areas, each partner gave statements describing themselves and their spouse separately. Following G.B. Spamer and L.A. Lewis, the indicators of marital quality were defined as: marital agreement, relationship satisfaction, mutual emotional expression, and marital cohesion.

Social support is one of the fundamental psychological needs of every human being, crucial for emotional balance and mental health. The article discusses the significance of supportive behaviors in close interpersonal relationships, with particular emphasis on marriage. The quality of the marital bond significantly affects the availability and effectiveness of support, influencing partners’ overall well-being. Support from a spouse not only enhances the sense of security and belonging, but also serves as a buffer in crisis situations, protecting against the negative effects of stress. Research shows that people in satisfying marriages report higher life satisfaction, better health, and lower susceptibility to depression compared to those in unsuccessful relationships or living alone. However, the process of providing support in marriage is complex and depends on the ability to express problems, understand the partner’s needs, and adequately respond. The article presents the stages of this process and the difficulties that may occur at each stage, emphasizing the importance of mutual trust, emotional sensitivity, and constructive communication. Properly functioning support in marriage not only protects against psychological difficulties, but also fosters the development of both partners and strengthens the marital relationship.

The aim of this article is to familiarize the reader with the situation of young mothers in light of the author's research. Psychology, as a science concerned with the human being, addresses many topics aimed at explaining the foundations of human behavior. Numerous studies have focused on issues related to social pathology, various types of disorders, or human functioning under extreme conditions. However, what seems closest to each of us is the so-called “psychology of everyday life,” which analyzes situations that we either experience ourselves or are very likely to face in the future. Undoubtedly, one such circumstance includes developmental (structural, normative) crises, which are a part of every human life and stem from the developmental nature of our existence. Attempts to avoid them are largely futile; instead, it is worthwhile to strive for their constructive resolution. Social support plays a crucial role in this regard. An example of such a developmental crisis is a woman’s transition into the role of a mother. Although motherhood is naturally integrated into a woman’s life, it involves many psychological costs. These negative effects can, to a large extent, be alleviated by appropriate support from the husband. In conversations with young mothers raising two children, I repeatedly encountered conflicting opinions regarding their husbands’ attitudes. Some women claimed that after the birth of their first child, their husbands were more helpful, affectionate, and caring. According to other respondents, the man only matured into the role of a father and husband after the birth of the second child. The lack of sufficient information in the literature available to me, as well as the conflicting opinions of mothers, prompted me to conduct research aimed at identifying differences in the social support provided by husbands to their wives after the birth of their first and second child. The topic seems important and justified due to the fact that many modern women associate motherhood with intense stress. A key source of stress reduction is the husband, and understanding whether women’s expectations are being met will help indicate directions for improving the functioning of the natural support network.

The aim of this article is to present the socio-family determinants of emotional-defensive coping strategies among adolescents in difficult social situations. The analysis focuses on young people's responses to interpersonal challenges, with particular attention given to defense mechanisms and emotion-focused strategies. The study emphasizes the importance of family structure and functioning, parenting styles, and the quality of parent-child relationships as key factors influencing the development of these strategies. It also discusses the role of a sense of security, the level of emotional support, and behavioral modeling by caregivers. The article highlights that the family environment can either foster the development of constructive coping mechanisms or contribute to avoidant, withdrawn, or aggressive behaviors. The conclusions drawn from the analysis may serve as a basis for designing educational and preventive measures that support adolescents in effectively managing social difficulties.

The article attempts to answer questions concerning the tendency of Machiavellians to manipulate their surroundings, whether there are connections between Machiavellianism and risk-taking, and the use of manipulative strategies in conflict situations. The relationship between certain personality variables and the tendency to manipulate is already defined through their very definitions—this is the case with the Machiavellian personality syndrome or the “hardball practitioner” personality described by Etheredge. It is also important to search for other human traits whose connection to this tendency is not so obvious. Contemporary personality theory, understood as a set of traits, assumes the existence of superordinate traits that can be distinguished through factor analysis. Competing theories include the “Big Three” and the “Big Five” models. The authors, in seeking personality correlates of Machiavellianism, employed the former approach. The referenced studies analyze the relationships between basic personality dimensions described by Eysenck (extraversion–introversion, neuroticism, psychoticism), the Machiavellianism syndrome, risk-taking tendency, and declared readiness to engage in manipulative behavior in specific social situations. In the situations analyzed by the participants, the use of manipulative strategies as a means of resolving conflict was associated with varying levels of risk. An individual pursuing goals in a social context may use social manipulation, exerting influence in such a way as to maximize the chances of eliciting the desired behavior from a partner, while simultaneously attempting to prevent the partner from realizing that they are being influenced. When predicting the likelihood of such behavior, in addition to situational and motivational factors, as well as the subject's skills and knowledge, personality factors must also be considered. The relationship between certain personality variables and the tendency to manipulate is already defined through their very definitions—this is the case with the Machiavellian personality syndrome or the “hardball practitioner” personality described by Etheredge. It is also important to search for other human traits whose connection to this tendency is not so obvious. Contemporary personality theory, understood as a set of traits, assumes the existence of superordinate traits that can be distinguished through factor analysis. Competing theories include the “Big Three” and the “Big Five” models.

The author attempts to answer the question of manipulating people depending on their personality and the situation they are in. To this end, she draws on her own research conducted on an appropriate study group. The issue of manipulation and the use of social influence techniques is currently a subject of widespread interest. Both students and participants in psychology training sessions are generally curious about manipulation techniques and eagerly reach for books dedicated to this topic. A prime example is the remarkable popularity of Robert Cialdini’s book Influence: The Psychology of Persuasion. Influence strategies arouse interest because this kind of knowledge is easy to apply in practice. But does that mean we accept manipulation as an inherent part of our social life—that we condone it not only when we are the ones manipulating, but also when others do it to us? And if so, what determines this acceptance? The author asked a group of 80 people for their opinions on the acceptability of manipulation in everyday life. The author was interested in what situational factors are considered sufficient justification for such behavior. The author also wanted to determine whether a personality variable associated with manipulation—namely, the level of Machiavellianism—would significantly affect the opinions expressed. A Machiavellian is a person with a specific personality. They perceive the world as a battleground and others as weak, deceitful, selfish, and untrustworthy. They have a strong need for success, along with a very “flexible” conscience—one that permits manipulative tactics such as flattery or deception, and rejects traditional moral norms. Empirical studies have shown many differences between individuals who score low and high on Machiavellianism scales, including differences in dominance, hostility, locus of control, dogmatism-authoritarianism, psychoticism, psychopathy, and anxiety (both as a state and as a trait). Behavioral differences between those with high and low Machiavellianism scores are particularly evident in situations that allow for improvisation, direct interaction, or that involve conflict. Recently, the concept of Machiavellianism—introduced into psychology in the 1960s—has regained attention thanks to two new and distinct perspectives. Wilson, Near, and Miller attempted to synthesize research from evolutionary biology and psychology, presenting Machiavellianism as one of the strategies of social behavior. In contrast, McHosky, Worzel, and Szyarto proposed integrating research from psychopathology and social psychology, defining Machiavellianism as the equivalent of psychopathy in the population of “normal people.”

Review

The aim of the article is to briefly present the tasks and functions carried out by the European Center for Continuing Education, as well as the research into fundamental issues of life in a united Europe, conducted by the European Academy for Life Research, Integration, and Civil Society (German: Europäische Akademie für Lebensforschung, Integration und Zivilgesellschaft – EALIZ). The decision to establish the Academy was influenced by several factors, primarily rooted in the previous functioning of the countries forming the European Union, the long-established relationships among them, the ongoing social integration of these nations, and the accession of nine new countries to the EU on May 1, 2004. This enlargement introduced a certain disruption to the existing functioning of the European Union, which needs to be addressed as quickly as possible and turned into an opportunity for the new, expanded structure.