Introduction

Between consular elections in 60 and lex Iulia agraria conducted in 59 by C. Julius Caesar, in the Republic of Rome took place clashes, as a result of which the prevailing in Senate optimales were devoid of the actual influence on the state issues, whereas the indivisible government was ruled over by the participants of the so called First triumvirate, that is C. Julius Caesar, Cn. Pompeius, and M. Licnius Crassus. In this period, fundamental changes, which totally altered a political situation and the so far functioning system of power in Rome, took place there. The aim of the author of this paper is to investigate a character of these changes, especially the exposure of their potential similarity to coups and revolutions, events equally radical and giving similar results. The author’s considerations made it possible to establish that Caesar’s, Peompeius’s, and Crassus’s agreement was masked by them. In fact, it was secret to a certain period of time. It was also characteristic of conspiracies and plots. They have been trying to take over the power in the Republic since it was founded. Their union was directed against it, and was anti-state in nature. The Triumvirates eliminated their opponents not only by means of political means, but also leading an armed fight, using armed supporters. Thus, they led to the elimination of antagonists from the political stage, and dominance over the public forum. After Caesar, Pompeius and Crassus took over the power in Rome, there was no freedom of speech, the opposition was helpless, whereas some, even the most important, institutions in the country were paralised. According to ancient politicians and authors of many source texts, it led to a bad state of the Republic, deepened its crisis, and even unnoticably gave rise to the fall of the republican system, which turned out disastrous for Rome. These findings allow for suggestions that the events which took place in Rome between 60- 59, and, as a result of them, political changes, had, among other things, many characteristic features of revolutions and coups.

The article is devoted to the issues of Rome-Parthian relations at Phlavius times connected with speeches of Pscudo-Neros, rarely noticed by historians. In the beginning, the reasons of 56 Przemysław Dyrlaga speaches made by usurpers and deficits of the source basis related to the issue were briefly discussed. Next, two problems were analysed: 1) Were the fears of the intervention of the eastern nneighbour, to be read from the sources representative of the opinion of Roman elites in power at Phlavius times, justified, and what were their reasons? 2) Were Arsaces, rulling in the Parthian Empire after the death of Vologases I, able to realize such serious enterprises as interference in the Romans’ internal affairs? The main factor deciding about this ability was military potential, conditioned by the line-up of internal forces typical of the actual period of time in Iran, and position the Parths had in the world at that time. Considering the above-mentioned issues, it can be stated that Romans, at Phlavius times, could feel fear and respect for the Parths. Fears the elites rulling the empire were shown in relation to intervention threats issued by the neighbours from behind the Euphrat to the benefit of one of the Pseudo-Neros were real, and probably stemmed from sad experiences from the past, including neron’s times and earlier, as well as fear of loss or havoc of eastern provinces. Besides, it was emphasised that after Vologeses I had died, the Parth’s empire was divided into parts ruled by Arsaces’ pretendents, and its internal situation was not stable. It was like that for several decades. Internal threats were still the case at that time: Alans and other nomadic tribes, such as Euro-Asians, the Roman and Kuszany empire. This internal crisis and care for safety of borders undoubtedly absorbed huge sums of money, being additionally limited by a specific socio-economic structure of Iran, with an important role of aristocracy having its own military force. As a result of it, it was pointed out that these factors largely eliminated the military potential each of the Partans rulers had, so there was every likelihood that they were not able to give enough military support to Pseudo-Neros. Supporting usurpers and intervention threats made by Arsaces could only be the sort of a political blackmail, an element of a diplomatic game, the aims and motives of which are not known from the sources. It can only be hypothetised that one of the main reasons which made Arsaces do it were their willingness to strengthen, at least in a symbolic way, their own position in relation to other oppoonents, both those among dynasty members and beyond it.

The image of an emperor hunting for animals was present in the imperial coin system in the „age of the Antonines”. These are the editions created on behalf of Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius, Commodus, as well as in the crisis (3rd century) for which the only example constitute Gallien’s coins. This motive belongs to the imperial ideology, according to which the ruler, from the beginning of the Roman Empire, must be a fighting and winning warrior able to lead the country. In Hadrian’s, Commodus’s and Gallien’s coin system, this iconographic scheme was much more connected with bravery and fortitude due to its connections to the subject of a monetarist legend of virtus Augusti. Virtus Augusti, which reveals itself through the power and invincibility, can be manifested in war, but can also be shown via battles which have a symbolic value or are a promise of the actual victory; for goddess of victory was present during hunting. In this way, passion for hunting places itself in the canon of duties and virtues of a ruler, just as the actions of an emperor at war are ascribed to it. In consequence, even though the starting point for the creation of medallions and coins depicting an emperor hunting in the case of all four rulers previously mentioned, constituted the actual events connected to the ruler’s preferences for hunting, have not only a timely but also episodic nature. The ruler’s actions during hunting, transpositioned into schematical „monetarist images” popularised in the whole Roman Empire, also have an ideological dimension, co-creating in an imperial propaganda the image of an emperor. An animal, in such a sense, becomes the symbol of power, often great and dangerous, to which a hunter-emperor opposes. In a battle with them, the ruler demonstrates his/her bravery and power, as well as manifests his/her rights to rule.

The analysis of the documents of the oldest and youngest son of duke Władysław Opolski proves that Przemko, who came of age about 1824 at the latest, after the period of coruling with his brother, Mieszko, after 1288, took over Raciborskie duchy, and entitled himself dux in/de Ratibor since then. He had never referred to himself as the lord in Oświęcim. On the basis of the above, we can draw a unonymous conclusion that it was when cieszynske duchy was created. Undoubtedly, the first unquestionable date of the appearance of Mieszko as a duke of Cieszyn was 1292, however, especially in the context of a treatise between Mieszko, Bolek, and Wacław, the king of the Czech Republic, 1929 seems to be when this Piast ruled over the new duchy with a capital in Cieszyn from the very beginning. Finally, the last piece of evidence derives from the fact that this duke stopped to call himself dominus oswencimensis after 1290. Secondly, doubts concerned with the date of document release for the knight Bogusz do not influence the attempt to define the period of time of a division of „great” Raciborskie Duchy into Cieszyńskie Duchy (with Oświęicim, Zator, and Chrzanów) and Raciborskie proper, with Mikołów and Pszczyna. When it comes to the document for Bogusz from 1290, bearing in mind extremely important constatations M. Wójcik and W. Irgang experienced with Wojciech, one of the witnesses, we are cautiously in favour of the so far acceptable date, basing not on the lecture made by M. Kasperlik, from the original.source, but on the lecture by A. Kauffmann, on the basis of the primary source. The change of our position could be made only when incidentally discovering the act of giving the title of duke to the knight - Bogusz.

England of the second half of the 18lh century was not well-known in the Republic of Poland. Elites, mainly those interested in the system, made use of English examples, though in a limited way. In eighties and nineties, however, as a result of the plans concerning the reform of the Republic of Poland, growing interests in England were observed. This tendency is clearly visible in journals written down after the third partition of the Polish state by those people who were fully shaped in the times of Stanislaw August. A stereotypical image of England and English citizens reveals itself from their notes. It can be stated that it is definitely positive. England was perceived and praised by its reasonable freedom, which, from time to time, was the subject of jealousy, in comparison to the Polish anarchy. The qualities of the English society which created such a magnificent empire were admired. These referred to its nobleness, hard work, honesty, and, probably the most important, unforced attachment to the state. Even the Anglican Church in such a well-functioning English society did not offend the Polish journalists, yet it must be added that the issue of faith was paid special attention to, and Poles usually took a critical stance on religions other than the Catholic one. Also, goods and products made by the English society were in favour of by the citizens of the Republic of Poland. To name something as „English” equalled „good”. The British crown was to be an ally of the republic of Poland, while the English citizens were to be its friends. Out of negative features, only, and very rarely, conceit, and maybe also „cold English reliability” were pointed out, however, it seems that the latter was responsible for the fact that Poles, against all odds, preferred the French people. More negative features were ascribed to French citizens, and France as such was more frequently chosen by the Polish immigrants, who treated it as despotic country, in contrast to England, which was perceived by them as the oasis of freedom.

This article shows the participation of artillery in ceremonies and celebrations of a non-military character. The time-scope of the events in question is from the modem period, that is 16th- 18th century. Among them, we can distinguish ceremonies of secular and church character. To the former belong those considered the most significant for the country, such as kings’ elections, coronations, sejms. Also, those distinctive of privacy were included, that is weddings, wedding parites, festivities. To the ceremonies of a church character referred the participation of artillery in funerals, church holidays, or ceremonies of picture concecration. Artillery’s participation in the above-enumerated boiled down to firing salutes, pirotechnic displays, organised by artillerists covering skyrockets and fireworks, which aimed at making the ceremonies more attractive by means of adding splendour and aesthetic experience to their public.

The process in which Wodzisław decanate separated from Żory decanate, which began at the end of the 16'11 century, finished in the middle of the 17th century. Since then the two decanates were functioning separately. Wodzisław decanate covered temporarily from 9 to 12 parishes, in the territory of the national state of Wodzisław. Wodzisław deans, in accordance with directives given by inspectors, showed a great deal of caring for subordinate parishes and branch churches, as well as took an active part in activities of Cieszyn police station. They were well-educated and suitably prepared for work in the hording Polish-Czech territory, where they served Catholics of the Polish, Czech and German nationality.

The study presented discusses the development of selected railway companies of the Habsbourg’s monarchy at the turning point between the seventies and eighties of the second half of the 19th century. The author aimed to evaluate particular companies being privately owned enterprises, investigate the role of the country in the railway activity in Habsbourg’s empire, and, to a large extent, analyse the course of the economic crisis in the transport sector. The conditions under which the railway enterprise in the territory of the Habsbourg’s empire was conducted after 1854 can be evaluated as beneficial. The system of state guarantees of benefits and tax allowances stimulated a private development of railways. The evidence lies in the actual railway boom lasting, with some breaks, from the second half of the fifties to to the crisis year, that is 1873. The state guarantees, primarily intended only in exceptional cases, became an instrument sine qua non of the state transporting politics, and were given to the majority of establishing railway companies. It was only coal and industrial railways that were totally deprived of the state guarantees. These, however, made use of their special position, and guaranteed themselves huge benefits due to unproportionate rate fares. Also, the possibility of maintaining high fare rates in the Habsbourg’s monarchy belonged to some of the big railway companies, which became dominant in the market, because of the lack of alternative means of transport. These unquestionably included Ferdinand’s North Railways, whose special position made it possible to retain an unusually high fare rate charged for freight transport, but also relatively high fare rates for stopping trains. As a result of it, the companies had big incomes. In a way, a worse situation could be observed in the biggest Austrian-Hungarian private company, i.e. in the company of South Railways. It struggled with the financial problems since it was established in 1859, practically till it was nationalised. It was also reflected in low rates of the company shares, as well as relatively difficult manifestations of the economic crisis in the South railways in the seventies. The economic crisis of 1873 clearly showed the economic power of particular railway companies. Big transport companies, which previously gained position in the market, and had wellprospering freight trains, dealt with the crisis in the best manner. Minor crisis problems experienced railway companies established by the half of the sixties of the 19th century. Bigger problems encountered South Railways whose actions temporarily lost about 60% of their value in the period of the crisis. A worse situation was visible in the companies which began their railway activity at the beginning of the seventies. They went through the crisis years (the seventies) facing bigger problems than the earlier-mentioned companies. Obviously, the position of particular railway companies was influenced by numerous factors; not only their efficiency, but general financial situation, debts, operating costs, bad management, etc. It can be seen from the analysis of the railway company shares that the crisis influenced transporting companies in a negative way as early as in 1873, reacing its peak in the middle of 1870s. A large number of transport companies got out of the crisis already at the beginning of 1880s. Were it not for an efficient state intervention, some railway companies would have certainly gone bankrupt. The state assistance covered many areas: payments of state quarantees, and their rise, tax allowances, permissions for fare rise, lack of obligation for further railway development, etc. It all was only a harbinger of a subsequent wave of the state railway development, and the era of nationalising private railway companies.

Tha act of taking jurisdiction over the schools of Cieszyn Silesia by the Republic of Poland in 1918 was one of the fastest and most energetic steps of the Polish authorities in this area. Its origin dates back to the period of the Habsbourg’s monarchy. In 1918, when it fell apart, The National Council of Cieszyn Duchy, the first representative of the Polish ruling in this area, had to adjust to this new political situation, at the same time, being forced to make use of the Austrian formal and legal solutions, as well as its own directives, in agreement with directives of central authorities of the restored Polish state. The actions, taken by it in the educational field, had a direct influence on its character and development of educational institutions in the period under investigation. The fact that Zygmunt Żurawski took over the ruling on behalf of the Polish government in 1920, also implied changes in the education management. These manifested themselves, above all, in gathering professionals, vital to the formation and, at the same time, polonization of education - in accordance with the needs of the Polish state. The article pays a special emphasis on the organization and legal foundations of the functioning of education. Also, actions connected with preparation of professional teachers, essentail to the organization of this spehere of the Polish public life in the Silesian Voivodship. It mainly referred to the Upper Silesia, devoid of, because of its historical conditions, the opportunity to have its education. As was hinted at above, education had to be adjusted to the needs of the Polish state starting from 1922. One of the most significant roles played teachers recruiting from Cieszyn Silesia.

The work deals with the prolem of the German law to be respected between 1922-1939 in the public schools of the inter-war Silesian Voivodship. The author paid special attention to the origin of the functioning of the principles of this law, still to be respected in the territories ascribed to Poland after 1922. Considering this problem, she was trying to show the extent to which the elements of German cultural output were useful or detrimental to the so called Polish case in the Upper-silesian part of the Silesian Voivodship. The author paid attention to the problems of the activity of school deputees, some of the directives concerning salaries, teaching pragmatics, as well as establishing and sponsoring public schools, making use of corporal punishment, the existence of 8lh grades, an obligatory 4-hour per week tuition of religion lessons, and functioning of the so called organist houses. Taking into consideration particular problems, she was trying to present that the elements of German cultural output and development of the Polish state, were becoming a ballast of that time. She also paid attention to the fact that groups against integration and unification of Silesian schools in accordance with the Polish law took actions making it impossible to eliminate these remains from the Upper-silesian school.

Governed by Gustaw Alfred Stenzl (1825-1855), the second director of the State Archive in Wroclaw, the archive, the seat of which was in the main building of the present Philosophy and History Department of the University of Wroclaw at 49 Szewska Street, began to take over the acts and documents of other Silesian institutions, starting from the archives of the former Silesian Duchys. G.A. Stencel gave a new order to documents of Cieszyńskie, Pawa and Kamiawa Duchy, as Rep. 6 b, c and d resepectively. The above-enumerated collections belonged to the worstkept collections at that time, that is 1820s, so the collections in question were divided into merely 2 groups, i.e. general documents and those called Ortschaften, including the sources of the places mentioned.