The article deals with the problem of the Dominus noster title origins (typical to the late Roman Empire); its emergence and functioning in the Roman coinage in the tetrarchical era during the reign of Constantine the Great. The title’s occurance in the coinage has been presented chronologically, and its stages of popularisation with regard to people in power have been depicted. Moreover, the article traces the relation between the title and particular rulers, which — along with the information of particular coins’ and medals’ issuing date — paved the way for its gradual incorporation into the titles of the greatest rulers.

The article aims at analyzing the question of peasant family typology as dependent on the economic system. There exists a view that as a consequence of the agrarian reform of 1557 in the Grand Dutchy of Lithuania, the dvorishche form of the peasant landownership, whose characteristic feature was patriarchal family, was transformed into Wallach system, which resulted in the concurrent disintegration of the patriarchal family into nuclear one. Relying on a considerable amount of documentary sources, the author asserts that the Wallach Reform in Volhynia, where lands were owned by dukes, was implemented very slowly. By mid‑
17th century most estates had been established within the folwark system, which required a larger labour force. Thus, the extended peasant family structure was preserved.

In his propaganda King Augustus III of the House of Wettin made deliberate references to the Sarmatian tradition by way of showing himself in Polish attire just after coronation in Kraków on January 24th, his pilgrimage to Częstochowa to the shrine of Virgin Mary, gifts for the monastery, frequent attendance in Catholic religious rites, or hunting, the sovereign’s favourite pastime. Paintings
by Louis de Silvestre depicting Augustus III and Princess Mary Josepha in Polish attire, favourable opinions about the King in Jerzy Kitowicz’s diaries and historical works by Jerzy Samuel Bandtkie played an important role as well. It was not until 1815 when the King’s recognition began to fade; under the influence of more recent historiography, negative opinions replaced positive ones.
However, Stanisław August was often depicted as a European and cosmopolitan; he used to wear traditional Polish robes like żupan and kontusz only in his childhood. After that period he started to be seen in foreign costume (French). Numerous journeys abroad along with his upbringing by his insuperably ambitious and proud mother, Konstancja Czartoryska, shaped him mentally as a future
king who displayed contempt towards the provincial nobility. The Convocation Sejm (1764) demanded that the future king wears Polish costume; however, Stanisław August Poniatowski presented medical certificates announcing the harmfulness of such vogue
(due to the obligatory shaving of head) issued by seven doctors. King’s coronation attire (Spanish), is depicted in the painting by Marcell Bacciarelli. Most paintings and sketches present the King in French costume; nonetheless, there are works of art which portray the King in armour or garments alluding to antiquity, in army Cadet school uniform, Polish general uniform or everyday clothes (bekishe or nightgown). Later the King was also seen in English tailcoat. King Stanisław August emphasized the importance of breaking with degenerate Sarmatian tradition embedded in ideology and customs, as well as propagating the intellectual trends of the Enlightenment and new forms of everyday (the popularization of the “Monitor”, plays debunking the old Sarmatians, literary pieces promulgating new customs). Furthermore, Stanisław August was less ostentatious in his religious views, thus encouraged
religious tolerance.

Although magnates living in the former Republic of Poland were criticized after it went into decline, they retained their elite status in Polish society, especially under Russian and Austrian rule. Descendents of aristocracy from the times of Stanisław August reign retained their status in memoires, whereas those who aspired to be associated with magnates met with no appreciation. Such was their treatment given by memoirists dwelling upon Stanisław August times. Less critical approach was taken by memoirists writing in the 19th century and born after 1795, even though they too kept nostalgically reminiscing about those bygone times. The former magnates were thus generally absolved; the 19th century ones, however, still used to be treated in a more severe way. This might have been due to the fact that 19th century memoirists endistanced themselves from the Stanisław August epoch, thus a certain bearing could have been effaced effortlessly. Such potential gentleness was no longer relevant to those magnates who aimed at controlling social as well as public life at that time. Traits typical to magnates, both positive and negative ones, have not changed much. Yet those aspects (very “humane” actually) attributed to them by memoirists, generally resembled those created by their followers. However, having such juxtaposition of traits in mind one can draw a conclusion that although the magnate group grew bigger (at least theoretically) as this status was relatively easy to acquire after the decline of the Polish‑Lithuanan Kingdom, especially in South‑Eastern Borderlands of the former republic, the number of unfavorable traits grew larger as well, although less concentrated in particular individuals. Nonetheless, there is no place for doubts that by 1830 magnates had been an elite category of nobility, and such was their literary creation depicted by memoirists, including those dwelling upon the Stanisław August times.

The article analyzes Russian operational plans from the period between February 1810 and June 1812, as well as the significance of Belarusian lands within the adopted strategy. The author states that strategic planning conducted by Russian commanders in the western area of future military operations underwent continuous evolution. In offensive plans, Belarusian territories were intended to serve as the concentration area for Russian troops, their operational base, and a source of military resources. In defensive war plans, these lands were designated as the main area of military operations. They were to be used to significantly weaken the enemy, after which a general battle could be initiated. Particular attention was paid to the preparation of a Russian preemptive strike against Napoleon’s allies (January–March 1812). The author demonstrates that, according to the adopted plans, by spring 1812 Russian forces were ready to enter the territories of the Duchy of Warsaw and Prussia. The goal was to destroy the military potential of these lands, defeat their armies, capture Warsaw, and gain control over the Vistula River line. The implementation of these plans would have led to the proclamation of the restoration of the Kingdom of Poland. However, a shift in the political balance of power in Europe in April 1812 led Russia to abandon offensive operations.

Jan Szygut (1838—1920) — was born to a Protestant family in Hnojnik (Polish Gnojnik) in Cieszyn Silesia. Since 1856 Szygut worked as a teacher. In 1857 he was elected the coordinator of the Evangelical school in Puńców nearby Cieszyn, and performed that role until his retirement in 1907. Initially Szygut was involved in the Polish National Movement; however, around 1879/1880 inspired by Theodor Hasse, a preacher from Cieszyn, he became attracted to the German Liberal Party. In 1889 he was the editor of “Nowy Czas”, a newspaper established by Hasse. In 1896 Szygut was an unsuccessful liberal candidate in the elections to the Silesian Parliament in Opava. Szygut was the president of the Rural Teachers Association in Cieszyn; he was active in the Evangelical reading room established by Hasse, and was repeatedly elected presbyter of the Evangelical church of the Augsburg confession in Cieszyn. Contrary to opinions stated by other scholars, the national and religious situation in Cieszyn Silesia in Szygut’s lifetime cannot be simplified to thinking of protestants as followers of the Polish national movement and associating the Catholics with the Germans. Most Evangelical ministers were in favour of the German Liberal Party; moreover, they influenced the political as well as national votes cast by members of the congregation.

The article focuses on the administrative reforms in the Kingdom of Poland (the Vistula land) in 1880—1890 as well as Iosif Gurko’s (Governor‑General of Warsaw) role in introducing social, economic and cultural changes on Polish lands. The Author conducts the analyses of Russian authorities’ enterprises from the perspective of Imperial Russia interests, and makes an attempt at analyzing experiments conducted by Russian administrators who aimed at converting the Polish into Russian subjects without erasing their national identity, and drawing from Polish cultural achievements with no intention of destroying them. The article contains a complex analysis of archival sources, most of which have been for the first time introduced into scholarly circulation. They will certainly contribute to broader understanding of governing the Vistula land in 1880—1890.

Gabriela Balicka (family name Iwanowska, 1867—1962), the daughter of Antoni Iwanowski and Sybilla Rosenwerth. After finishing high school in Warsaw, Balicka took up natural science studies at the University of Geneva, where she met Zygmunt Balicki, who established the Association of the Polish Youth. They got married in 1891. Balicka completed botanical studies and gained a doctorate in natural science in 1893. She was one of the first Polish women to acquire university education. She had been actively engaged in academic as well as didactic work until Poland regained independence. A national party MP for the Legislative Parliament (1919—1922) an the next three parliaments one of the prominent activists in the National Organization for Women. Her parliamentary work focused predominantly on education and upbringing issues as well as combating alcoholism. She fought for women’s civil rights; however, Balicka withdrew from the political scene after 1935. During the German occupation she lived in Górka Narodowa near Kraków. She died and was buried in the Rakowicki Cemetery. Balicka broke with stereotypical views of women whose roles were perceived as apolitical and traditional. She was incessantly active on the political scene from 1919 to 1935 as a member of the conservative party. A doctorate in natural science gained in 1893 along with her following academic activity stood as a resounding success, and set her as an outstanding individual against the background of the epoch.

If it were not due to entangled history of his family and his own, this writer would be known to all his contemporary readers as Horst Eckert alias Janosch. His father — a petty trader, smuggler, keen enthusiast of moonshine and domestic violence — Johann Valentin Eckert (1903—1983), gives name to his first‑born son after German Nazi activist, Horst Wessel. In the Third Reich Wessel was recognized sufferer for the national socialism, was shot in 1930 by a Communist Party activist. Janosch was born on March 11th, 1931 to a working class family in a family house at Ciupkaweg Street (later Piekarska Street) in Poremba. The Czarnawka River, flowing near his whereabouts, determined a new dividing line on the plebiscite areas between Poland and Germany from October 1921. Life in industrial city of Hindenburg Oberschlesien dominated by times of national social fights against Jews, communists, priests and Poles; former Silesian insurgents, tough childhood, different cultures interweaving one another, fascination about the latter, and constant dilemmas to face — all stand as the article’s background. Among places which bear imprints of Janosch’s life are: Upper‑Silesian Zabrze, vestiges of childhood memoirs beset with Catholicism; German Oldenburg, Bad Zwischenahn, Nordhorn, beginnings of his writing career in Munich; artistic Paris, and Spanish islands of Ibiza, La Gomera and Tenerife. In 2011 Janosch was recognized as an honorary citizen of Zabrze. It serves as a token of appreciation granted to him for the imprints left behind in his family town as well as for his literary achievements. Today Janosch calls himself a cosmopolitan with no particular sense of national identity.