Oddajemy do rąk Czytelników dwunasty tom wydawnictwa „Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis”. Podobnie jak poprzednie ma on formułę otwartą, czego odzwierciedleniem jest zróżnicowanie tematyczne zamieszczonych w nim artykułów. Wszystkie jednak wpisują się w politologiczny obszar badawczy, ukazując jednocześnie interdyscyplinarny charakter tej dyscypliny naukowej.

Abstract: Theoretical and methodological concept of the Chicago School in the political science.

As part of the research methodology in the social sciences, sociological orientation, created and developed in the 1920s and 1930s in Chicago, achieved great importance and publicity. Its assumptions and achievements were thoroughly discussed, were and are often cited in the scientific literature. While relatively rarely mentions can be found of the existing at the same time, largely separate institutionally and personally, Chicago School in the political science, the creators and participants of which attempted to redefine the goals and methods of studying political reality. The background for new proposals were normative assumptions dominant in the first decades of the 20th century, of the so‑called classical political science, very different from the model of empirical science focused on the search for a general theory which started to become a standard in all disciplines.

A new scientific discipline, emerging at the turn of the century, devoted to the study of politics was primarily inspired by the achievements and traditions of such sciences as political philosophy, legal studies or political history. It influenced obviously its normative character by directing the interest of researchers primarily to considerations related to the legal and constitutional solutions and analysis of the formal dimension of political institutions. During this period, the real world of politics remained outside of analyses — thus, differently than in the 19th century sociology with positivist orientation, no particular attention was paid to the importance of scientific data obtained by using empirical methods.

            My text contains a concise presentation of the scientific profiles of the main representatives of the Chicago School in the political science — Charles E. Merriam, Harold D. Lasswell, and Harold F. Gosnell. Their theoretical and methodological ideas on the methods of study and mechanisms of political reality, which they used in their academic activities and research work, in an unquestionable way influenced the development of modern political science. As far as the methodology is concerned, the article is based on a direct analysis of key source texts and on the attempt to interpret their contents and significance of the proposals contained therein, in the context of the methodological dilemmas of modern political science.

Abstract: Regional and local political systems. Part II

The systemic diversity of the regions and local units can be subsumed to three possible forms of political systems: 1) self‑government, 2) territorial autonomy and 3) the federal state. Based upon that criterion, modern democratic states can be divided into: 1) unitary states with self‑government, 2) unitary states with territorial autonomy and self‑government, 3) federal states with self‑government, 4) federal states with territorial autonomy and self‑government. That division clearly points to the fact, that unitary and federal states can successfully exhibit the same types of political systems on the regional and local levels: territorial autonomy and self‑government. In consequence, both federal and unitary states, under this particular respect, do not exhibit differences. The systems present in the unit‑parts of a federation (regardless of their designation: republics, states, lands, cantons or provinces) in themselves are not a separate category and form of the political system, but form together with others, the three subcentral legal‑political systems present in democratic states. However, the understanding of federalism as concept referring to something more than the legal‑political system of a given state (or even the political system sensu stricto) might seems unconvincing, but still in the consideration of federalism one needs to step away from the analysis of existing federal states (however, comparative constitutional law and constitutional practice must have fundamental impact) and create the prognoses of systemic solutions in a group of highly decentralized unitary states. Besides that, the research of the political theory of federalism and federation presents itself as not without merit to the undertaken task.

Abstract: European Union in the political programs of the major political parties in Poland after 2004

Polish accession to the European Union was one of the strategic objectives of polish foreign policy after 1989. It succeeded in doing in 2004. The Polish membership in the European Union is supported a very large extent both by society and the majority of Polish political parties. However, the major political parties vary in their preferred vision of the integration processes in the European Union. This article aims to explain and compare these positions by examining the documents and political programs that were created after 2004, because they are an important part of European policy in Poland.

Abstract: Russia in the Polish and German policy at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century. The range of convergences and discrepancies

The aim of the present article is to outline the characteristics of Polish and German policy towards East, especially towards Russia. The author indicates the areas of common and different interests as well as objectives in the Polish and German policy towards East, particularly at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century. In spite of observing fewer differences between Poland and Germany in their present policy towards Russia, the article aims to emphasize the discrepancies that still exist and are visible in the bilateral as well as multilateral relations.

At the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, the Polish and German positions towards Russia and post-soviet countries are noticeably more coherent than before. One of the main reasons is the modification of Polish Eastern policy by introducing pragmatic thinking (so-called positive realism), implemented at the end of 2007 by the Polish government run by the Civic Platform (PO) and Polish People’s Party (PSL). At the same time, the Angela’s Merkel government introduced more critical attitude towards Russia.

Nonetheless, in spite of growing convergence of interests in Polish and German policy towards Russia, there have been significant discrepancies. The main differences have been related to the role of Russia in the Commonwealth of Independent States and in the European security system. Therefore, Poland and Germany have had different opinion on the role of Russia: should it be a partner or a threat? To what extend the process of Europeanization of Russia should be introduced? There is also a discrepancy between Poland and Germany related to the following question: which relations among the post-soviet countries should be prioritized, should it be relations with Ukraine or with Russia?

Abstract: Continuation and change in the French foreign policy during the presidency of François Hollande — selected aspects

François Hollande became a president of the 5th French Republic in a difficult moment for its international interests. In Europie, Africa and the Middle East, France had to face multiple unfavorable events and processes. Instability in the Arab states, civil war in Syria and Mali or eurozone crisis had major importance for the French international status and security. In this context, it is important to consider, what kind of approach to these challenges was adopted by the new president? Furthermore, did he remain faithful to the traditional fundaments of the French foreign policy? Therefore, this article is an analysis of the elements of continuity and change in the diplomacy of the 5th Republic between May 2012 and October 2013, basing on its European, American, African and Arab policy.

Abstract: The Kingdom of Jordan in the US foreign policy towards the Middle East in the post‑Cold War era

The US — Jordan relations, both during and after the Cold War, can be described as close, based on the pursuit of common goals and mutual respect. Although the United States of America and the Kingdom of Jordan have never concluded a formal treaty with each other, they cooperated on many levels, in the Middle‑Eastern region and internationally, both during the second half of the 20th century and in the first two decades of the 21st century. Despite the complex geopolitical situation in the Middle East, re‑occurring threats and challenges that may have weakened the bilateral relations between the two states, the informal alliance between the US and Jordan have survived, which is indicative of the importance of these relations and the strength of the partnership. The place and role of Amman in the foreign policy of Washington have many aspects and dimensions. One can observe certain evolution of the position that consecutive American governments attributed to Jordan depending on conditions that have been both extra‑regional (the Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union) and intra‑regional (the three Gulf Wars, the Middle‑Eastern peace process). It is also important to emphasize that after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the mutual relations have gained a different, more strategic dimension. Hence, it can be argued that Jordan’s importance in the US foreign policy has only reached its pinnacle during the post‑Cold War era.

The present article seeks to pinpoint the place and role of the Kingdom of Jordan in the US policy towards the Middle East after the Cold War and to define the character of the relationship between the two states. Its main goal is to identify and describe both positive and negative factors determining the US — Jordan relations. The article will also attempt to answer the questions about the extent to which the Arab Spring has influenced the shape of the mutual links between Washington and Amman.

Abstract: Public opinion in the information society

Modern developed societies are referred to as information societies. In information societies in the forefront of the industry slip out the acquisition and exploitation of knowledge. Information and knowledge are the most valuable commodity, but also the most dangerous weapon. Virtual, to a large extent, the information society in the end had to take a position on democracy and politics collide with the concept of civil society.

The article attempts to characterize the direction of changes that taking place in modern societies in the field of mass media and the public opinion. Author refers to the increasing importance of media in the social, political and economic aspects of human life.

Abstract: The Polish web portals on the British Isles

The aim of this study is to show the landscape of the Polish web portals on the British Isles and participation of the Internet network in maintaining relationships with the family house by the Polish emigration. At the moment, there are lots of portals to Polish migrants, and counting. The questionnaire surveys showed that the Internet is very important source of information about situation in the country for Poles who are abroad. Moreover, they can communicate with the family and friends who stayed in Poland by means of the Web.

McChesney jest profesorem zatrudnionym na Wydziale Komunikowania Uniwersytetu Illinois, autorem kilku prac z zakresu teorii mediów, między innymi Rich Media, Poor Democracy. Communication Politics in Dubious Times (1989), Corporate Media and the Threat to Democracy (1997), Communication Revolution. Critical Junctures and the Future of Media (2007), The Political Economy of Media: Enduring Issues, Emerging Dilemmas (2008). Recenzowana książka jest kolejną pracą poświęconą krytycznej analizie współczesnych mediów i metod komunikowania, w której autor skoncentrował się na analizie społecznych i politycznych skutków intensyfikacji przeobrażeń w tej sferze życia społecznego.

Książka Wojciecha Modzelewskiego jest ciekawym analitycznym esejem na temat przeobrażeń świadomości amerykańskiego społeczeństwa, zbudowanym na podstawie interpretacji prowadzonych od lat trzydziestych XX wieku empirycznych badań opinii publicznej. Za źródło służyły dane zaczerpnięte przede wszystkim z sondaży prowadzonych przez Instytut Gallupa i Pew Research Center. Ich zaletą jest, dzięki systematycznie powtarzanym na przestrzeni lat przez te wiodące ośrodki badawcze pytaniom ankietowym, na ogół stosunkowo łatwa i bezpośrednia porównywalność w czasie struktury odpowiedzi respondentów, umożliwiająca wyciąganie rzeczowych i wiarygodnych wniosków. Empiryczna podbudowa nadaje refleksjom Autora zobiektywizowany charakter, co oczywiście nie oznacza, że w warstwie interpretacyjnej formułowane przez niego wnioski są całkowicie wolne od wartościowania i niepodważalne.

Carl Schmitt i jego myśl polityczna to bez wątpienia istotny rozdział światowej politologii. Choć splamiony współpracą z nazizmem, oczarowany państwem Hitlera i pragnący wcielać swe jurystyczne konstrukcje w praktyczne tryby machiny państwowej, Schmitt zaprezentował spójną wizję polityczności, która przez swój naukowy charakter zdecydowanie zasługuje na uwagę i rzeczowe omówienie. Carl Schmitt kojarzony jest nieodłącznie z prawicową wizją polityki, co powoduje, że wiele tez, które rozpowszechniał w swych pracach, jest ciągle aktualnych wśród licznych praktyków i teoretyków polityki. Odwołanie się do myśli Schmitta jest więc czymś zupełnie nowoczesnym i wpływowym, a przez swój wymiar praktyczny nie nosi znamion dawno przebrzmiałej melodii odgrywanej przez państwa totalitarne początków XX wieku. Wobec faktu, iż filozofia polityczna Schmitta „powraca na salony”, należy ze szczególną uwagą pochylić się nad zbiorem esejów opracowanym przez znaną belgijską filozof polityki Chantal Mouffe. Ma to również dużą wartość poznawczą w kontekście polskiej debaty publicznej, gdyż zwykło się powtarzać, iż wielu czołowych polskich polityków pozostaje pod przemożnym wpływem schmittańskiej myśli politycznej. Wydawnictwo Krytyki Politycznej oddało w ręce Czytelników pozycję, która stanowi polemiczną odpowiedź czołowych lewicowych myślicieli i teoretyków polityki na główne tezy zawarte w myśli politycznej Schmitta. Nie jest to jednak polityczne przeciąganie liny czy też próba zdyskredytowania myśliciela o odmiennych poglądach. Teoria polityczna Schmitta traktowana jest z należytą powagą i akademickim namysłem.